Monday, February 08, 2016

Ayn Rand and the Music of Rush: Rhapsodic Reflections


and the mercury is rising
barometer starts to fall
you know It gets to us all
the pain that is learning
and the rain that is burning
feel red
still—go ahead
you see black and white—and I see red
(not blue)

Red Lenses 


This essay could have been called “Ayn Rand? Don’t get me started!” But then I did get started and it seemed I would never stop.

Rush is a group that justifiably has many loyal fans. The group deserves respect not only for their instrumental and compositional skills, but also because they have managed over more than three decades to play the music that they want to play, without concessions to either media-conglomerate pressures or passing musical fads. Indeed, Rush is practically a model of Howard Roark-like integrity!

I have written about Rush before, in two books, one on the progressive rock trend of the late 1960s and 1970s, titled Listening to the Future (Martin 1998), and the other, titled Avant Rock (Martin 2002), on creative trends in rock music from the later Beatles to more recent groups such as Björk, Jim O’Rourke, Stereolab, Radiohead, etc. Before these two books, I also wrote a book devoted to the music of Yes (Martin 1996), which topic also bears, of course, on a discussion of Rush’s music and outlook. Both temporally and aesthetically, so to speak, I came to Rush through progressive rock. Perhaps as a result, and I realize that this is a generational thing, although I also count myself as an admirer of the group, I tend to consider Rush as “secondary.” The progressive rock era ran roughly from 1968–1978, from King Crimson’s In the Court of the Crimson King to Yes’s Going for the One (1977)—or, it might be said, to Never Mind the Bollocks (Sex Pistols, 1977). When I think of the most creative and virtuosic of the groups during that era, I am less likely to think of Rush. This is a very tendentious thing to say, but in some sense I have a similar view of Ayn Rand, that she is a secondary figure—not because I disagree with her arguments for the most part, which I do—but because I cannot think of her as a “major figure” in the philosophical canon.


Before aficionados of either Rush or Rand (or both) get too riled, however, allow me to qualify this last statement somewhat. There are many artists and writers who may not be in the absolute forefront of creativity or significance and yet who have made important contributions and are worthy of attention. Furthermore, one quality that is shared by Rush and Rand is that each is sui generis, each created a field that is uniquely their own. Even though one can trace the elements that make up their respective approaches, still, there is no one else who is really like them. With Rand, there is the additional aspect of being a “phenomenon,” and therefore someone not to be ignored. Whenever I’ve done interviews about my work on progressive rock, or even just in casual conversation, it is almost inevitable that the question will arise, “What about Rush?” Similarly, it is still the case that undergraduates will ask about Ayn Rand. I hear this from my colleagues as well, and then they are surprised at the fact that I’ve spent some time trying to figure out Rand, her scene, and her appeal.

One of my first experiences with Ayn Rand was when, as a teenager in the early 1970s, I woke up to “The Objectivism Hour” (I believe it was called) on the radio (which I had left on the night before). This was one of the FM “underground” stations: WBUS--the “magic bus”--in Miami, Florida. The station would often play Pink Floyd, Traffic, King Crimson, Caravan (for instance, I first heard “Nine Feet Underground,” from their superb album, In the Land of Grey and Pink, on WBUS), etc., along with “public service announcements” from then--Yippie leaders Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin (who were based at that time in Coconut Grove). Such announcements provided helpful bits of advice such as “it’s not a good idea to go surfing in a hurricane” and “elections are a sham--don’t vote!” (Words to live by, and I still accept both to this day.) Rand’s hopeful message that day was that people who have decided to end their lives (commit suicide) should not be interfered with by the state. Not exactly what I needed to hear at that stage of my life, but still, my curiosity was piqued, as much by Rand’s stern and morally upright tone as by the content of the message.

I had already developed an interest in philosophy, inspired, as I have been in most things in my life, by the intertwined influences of a Christian upbringing and the radical political and cultural currents of the late 1960s. My main experience of bookstores at that point was just the Waldenbooks at the mall, and of course the philosophy section there was not very extensive. Among the more attractive covers on display were those of Ayn Rand’s books, so I bought a couple. Strangely, I can remember being attracted to some of what Rand said, and, again, perhaps even more to her forthright tone, and yet I didn’t go very far with her. Most likely this had to do with certain commitments I still associated with Judaism and Christianity, even as I was breaking with certain metaphysical aspects of them (simply put, I increasingly found that I couldn’t accept the God of classical theology). These commitments were, again, increasingly combined with the radical currents that some have grouped together under the heading of “’68 Thought.”

Later, Kant came to play a large role in my intellectual and political life, and of course Kant is the figure whom Rand vilifies most of all. Like Kant, but like Aristotle for that matter, I could not conceive of an individualism that is not co-implicated in mutuality and a fabric of basic social obligations. This is what might be called “strong autonomy” in Kant, something that exists at the intersection of ethical regard for the Other and the intersubjective basis of epistemology. By contrast, I would say that Rand’s notion of individualism is rather weak, because it is founded upon unsustainable notions such as not owing anyone else a single moment of “my” time. In Listening to the Future, I address this question, albeit briefly and schematically (and perhaps a bit flippantly— e.g., when I referred to Rand’s ferocious cigarette habit, specifically the way that Rand would respond to questions about the rationality of smoking by lighting up another one), in terms of the question of children. I think a good deal of social theory can be done around this question—were children come from, how they are made (and the gender relations in any given society), and what obligations people have to make the world hospitable for them and to create opportunities for them.

In his exceedingly generous treatment of my brief look at Rand’s philosophy in relation to Rush, Chris Matthew Sciabarra cites the relevant passage from Listening, where I note that there is no room for children in her novels (at least the later, big ones), “there is no place for anyone who was not a fully formed adult ... People must come from nowhere, so that they will not in any way be in debt to other persons” (Martin 1998, 270-71; cited in Sciabarra 2002, 174). In Atlas Shrugged, then, we have the formation of an ideal society, the result of “the mind” having gone “on strike,” out of a relative handful of individuals, all adults. To my mind, what this primarily demonstrates is that the problems of the Robinson Crusoe scenario—much beloved in neoclassical economics and sufficiently demolished by Marx—are not overcome by having a gaggle of Crusoes. Were John Galt and Howard Roark not children at one time, in a society with gender relations, parent-child relations, a certain level of productive technique, class relations and divisions of labor, to say nothing of a standard of living that is based in part upon colonial and imperial domination of Third World countries? Did Galt and Roark just show up one day, fully formed, one a philosopher and the other an architect?

The fact is, these fellows didn’t even show up fully formed from the head of Ayn Rand, even insomuch as they are characters in novels, and not, for instance, real, “sensuous” (to use a term of which Marx was especially fond of in his earlier writings) human beings who go to school to study architecture or philosophy with teachers, and for whom the matter of keeping the digits limber enough to perhaps someday design another building even while breaking rocks in a quarry (for how many hours a week?—is this just an “individual” question?) would not just be a question of keeping one’s head together.

This goes to the sui generis issue as well—even to the extent that I can admire Rush and Rand (the latter a bit grudgingly, for sure) for having “their own thing” (and leaving aside for the moment the point that a great rock group is a matter of “their,” a certain collectivity where the whole is greater than the merely quantitative sum), and even insomuch as I might accept the notion of persons as “singularities” (as per Kierkegaard, Derrida, and others), I don’t think that the notion of “the” philosopher, composer, inventor, architect, or what-have-you, of the “epoch” is sustainable, at least not from a contemporary perspective. I’m not so skeptical of canon formation as to think it a mere accident that Plato or Augustine or Descartes or Kant were major figures of their respective periods. It is not only an historical accident that accounts for our greater appreciation of JS Bach than for Buxtehude (though Bach himself acknowledged Buxtehude as the greatest organist of their time), for Mozart than for Salieri, or for Beethoven than for Czerny—though Rand, as we know, from her great heights of musical knowledge, preferred her “tiddly-wink music” to Beethoven, and one can safely assume that Rush for her would go the way of all rock music. (Beethoven, the greatest of Romantics, denigrated by someone who presumed to write The Romantic Manifesto—that boggles my mind into a quagmire of flummoxation.1) The thing is, Buxtehude, Salieri,and Czerny were all very good composers, just as Rush is a very good band. In the pantheon of the great and the very good, I would put Yes and King Crimson, for example, in the former category, and Rush in the latter—but it is no simple or mean feat to join the ranks of the very good.

However, there are indeed social and historical factors that make possible the centrality of these figures. There really is such a thing, as Einstein put it, as standing on the shoulders of giants, which is the sort of thing Ayn Rand seemed completely unable to acknowledge. Thus, Howard Roark makes such startling discoveries as “form follows function” (undoubtedly this had never occurred to any previous architect) or “there is no collective brain.” One has to wonder if Rand’s own inability to recognize great art is integral to her inability to recognize the sources of such art. The same might be said of philosophy—though the dominance of analytic and positivist model in the English-speaking countries has brought about a similar inability in many academic philosophers. What William O’Neill (1971) characterized as the “with charity toward none” point of view might instead be called the “ungenerous” cast of mind—again, not that Rand was some unique expression of this, either. It might be said that there is no “collective brain” just as there is no “collective liver.” (I’m reminded of Quine’s discussion of synonymy, where he takes up the point that “creature with a brain” and “creature with a kidney” are both descriptive of mammals [Quine, 1964].) For sure, there is a point to be made here about philosophical materialism, that “there never was an idea that a brain didn’t think” (this was said by a Marxist whose ungenerous cast of mind rivals Rand’s).

Be that as it may, neither the production of ideas nor even the production of brains and livers is an “individual” thing—and, on the latter pair of organs, it might be pointed out once again that we humans (and other mammals) acquire our brains and kidneys in our mother’s wombs. If having charity toward none is meant as a critique of the politics of pity, which is bound up with the politics of resentment, then there is something that can be affirmed there, but one already gets this in a more systematic form from Nietzsche and, it might be argued, Rousseau.

Speaking of whom: in the midst of gathering these scattered, decidedly unsystematic reflections, I happened to run into Deena Weinstein as I was coming out of a café near DePaul University, where we are both professors. Deena and I are the university’s “professors of rock music,” though I would dare say that she is the better-known, having been featured on MTV, for instance. Professor Weinstein wrote the book Heavy Metal (1991), and she is also known for her writing on Rush, including a study cited by Sciabarra. When I mention that I had been asked to discuss the Rush/Rand connection, she offered that “it’s really all Rousseau.” It was a bitterly cold Chicago winter evening, so we couldn’t continue this line of thought out there on the sidewalk, but it seems worthy of further exploration by Rushologists. Allow me to offer a comparison similar to the Rush/Rousseau one.

Sometimes, when I have taught my department’s course on “Business, Ethics, and Society,” I’ve shown the film, The Fountainhead. The students, most of whom have not studied much (if any) philosophy up to that point, often find Howard Roark to be an admirable character. They are moved by him. Of course, this is also the case when young people read the novel (not only young people, certainly, but I’m driving at some questions somewhat specific to adolescents and people in the transition from adolescence to adulthood). There are some interesting particularities of the film, however. Rand was not responsible for the entire film, but she did write the screenplay, and she had a very large measure of “creative control” over the film. Indeed, one form in which this is manifest is Howard Roark’s famous closing speech to the jury. As I am sure every reader here knows, Roark is on trial for dynamiting a public housing project that he had designed, because the other planners of the project had made modifications to his design. If nothing else, this trajectory of events, culminating in the destruction of the buildings and Roark’s trial, demonstrate the centrality of aesthetic judgment in Rand’s philosophy—this is a point to which I shall return in a moment. What I wanted to mention here is that Roark's speech to the jury is the longest speech in any film up to that time, at least in the English language. King Vidor, the filmmaker, had wanted to cut the length somewhat, but Rand put her foot down. Again, there are some things here to discuss about the centrality of aesthetic judgment. But there are some other facets of the film, specifically, that I wanted to highlight, especially having to do with its style. In particular there is a starkness to the film that makes it, stylistically, something of a cross between film noir and Socialist Realism. (Indeed, the stark architecture of the city—though not necessarily Roark’s own buildings, also a topic to which I shall return—reminds me of visiting certain American bastions of Cold War anti-communism, such as Bob Jones University, which, in terms of their built space, would have fit in nicely with the drabbest images of the former East Germany.) The heroism of Roark stands out, and yet not exactly as a “contrast,” but instead because Roark’s demeanor and sensibility is even more dire—if I can get away with such an expression—than that of the other people, and even of the built environment, around him.

This is a world of objects, perhaps captured best by an interesting duality that runs right through Rand’s work. on the other hand, Rand’s mature novels, The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged, are centrally constructed around speeches that the main characters make to each other, indeed, at each other. In other contexts as well, whether in her books of essays or in the aforementioned radio program, one feels “talked at.” perhaps this is to some extent unavoidable for a philosophical work that has some element of missionary zeal or at least some desire to convince, rather than mere musing about “the world as I found it.” One reviewer of Popper’s The Open Society and Its Enemies ([1962] 1971) averred that the book should have been called “The Open Society by One of Its Enemies.” Certainly, in the larger world of philosophy, one can feel “talked at” from many directions, from all over the political landscape, and Marxists are certainly no exception. And yet, I think the point I am driving at stands, even if it applies to others as well (though I would argue to a lesser degree, and more as a matter of being under sway of the bourgeois-propertarian worldview, which, being the ideology of the capitalist ruling class and therefore the dominant ideology, affects opponents of capitalism too). In Rand, the fact that the idea of “being with” would just be part of the repugnant conceptual machinery of supposedly owing someone else a moment of my time, means that hers is a world of objects. In such a world, a world of the sheer “thatness” of objects, is it any wonder that “private property” would be the central notion, indeed the defining feature of human life? An entire study, then, might be made of the idea that the unalienable right to destroy one’s personal property is some higher expression of human freedom. But if other people are just objects to me, along with other objects such as tables, chairs, or SUVs and cell phones (just to name two classes of objects that I would readily destroy if I could!), then on what basis should I respect their “rights” (or they mine)? In Rand’s claim about the right of ownership including the right to destroy what is “mine,” there is even the resonance of the Christianity that she despised, especially in its modern, Protestant form (as understood by Max Weber in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism [1930]): there is hardly any point in my going to Heaven if I can’t also enjoy the fact that many others will go to Hell. This is especially problematic in the context of rock music, of course, since clearly Hell will have the better band!

Just as The Fountainhead, the film, has much in common with film noir and Socialist Realism (and I should say, just for the record, that I like the film, I find it a fascinating work, and you can’t really argue with Gary Cooper and Patricia Neal), the novel has something in common with a literary style that arose in France in the 1950s and 60s: chosisme. Literally, this means something like “thing"-ism.) As applied by writers such as Alain Robbe-Grillet, the idea of chosisme is to portray a world were persons have no special status; they are simply objects along with all of the rest. Foucault turned his into a methodology when he proposed an “archaeological” approach to consciousness. Sartre once wrote that the writer André Gide had liberated his readers from “the tyranny of chosisme”—the point being that chosisme is a French translation of the Marxist concept of reification. Indeed, Sartre’s whole philosophy could be said to be set against the tyranny of the “thing,” and therefore against whatever reduces people to mere things. I have invoked this chain of references because, for all of the objectification that one encounters in Rand, there is also an existentialist feel to her writing, and especially to the characters who most seem to represent her own views: Howard Roark and John Galt.2 This comes through not only in the heroic aspect of their respective characters, but also in the way that each seems to be fundamentally alone—something that seems true of not only Rand, but, it should be said, Sartre too. I would say that this quality carries over to some of Rush’s music as well, or at least to some of the stories they tell—especially when these are seen in contrast to the utopian communalism of the music of (especially a group such as) Yes. But this still is not the comparison that I am driving toward.

Rand is right, I think, about her conception of ownership—but I would say that it not only includes destruction, it entails destruction, and, indeed, I would say that ownership in her conception is destruction. “Existence exists,” absolutely, and what is mine is mine, absolutely. Contrast this philosophy of property to that tradition that runs from Aristotle to Aquinas, Locke, and Jefferson. Jefferson said that “the earth belongs to the living,” in “usufruct,” this last meaning “stewardship.” There is no “absolute” right to ownership in this tradition. This comparison of theories of property deserves the kind of treatment that it would not even make sense to embark upon here, but my point is that an absolutist conception of property can not help but go hand-in-hand with a good deal of existential angst and even a dire, siege mentality. Are these conceptions and outlooks a natural outgrowth of deep insecurity—of a kind that is completely understandable—or is it the other way around? Probably some of both. What is fascinating is that all of this angst and insecurity could kill an ordinary person (in which case they should be free to end their life without outside interference!), but in Rand's heroic characters there is an indomitable optimism that cannot be extinguished. Recall the final scene in The Fountainhead, where Dominique Francon (that is, Patricia Neal) rides the construction elevator up the side of the world’s tallest building, looking up to the tall, handsome, smiling, and heroic Howard Roark (Gary Cooper), who stands firmly upright, hands on hips. The entire tableau is a monument to phallogocentrism, and Nietzsche’s mountain is replaced with the skyscraper. That Rand could not stand so tall is not the point, though I don’t think it is inappropriate to argue for some relationship between her ostensible outlook and the fact that she did not seem to be a happy person.

Ayn Rand is not Howard Roark—so what? Could anyone be Howard Roark? If the answer is “no,” what follows?

Returning to my students who have seen The Fountainhead in “Philosophy 228: Business, Ethics, and Society,” it does not seem to me that coming away from Rand with the ideal of striving to be a person of character is such a bad thing—not hardly! It is basically an Aristotelian lesson that, if people do not acquire strength of character until adolescence, thanks to the breakdown of child rearing in this society, then at least it is better then than not at all. Indeed, even to be a bit hard on Rand as someone who basically appeals to adolescents and people in transition from adolescence to adulthood (a transition that some people never really make—and indeed one might argue, in both a Kantian and a Freudian vein, and probably a Marxist vein as well, that Humanity-writ-large still has a good deal of growing up to do) is not exactly fair. One might instead recognize for a latter-day Aristotelian who at least implicitly grasps that the categories of “childhood,” “adolescence,” and “adulthood” were not at all the same things in Aristotle’s time and place (and the middle term is a very recent development in the grand scheme of things, and it still does not exist in some parts of the world) as they are in the modern, industrial world. Although I find Rand’s dismissal of rock music to have some overtones of racism and Eurocentrism (but, I hasten to add, the same attributes can be found in what Theodor Adorno said about rock and jazz, and simple lack of musical sophistication—not something Adorno could be accused of, I suppose!), I also wonder if she was bothered by what might be called rock music’s “normative adolescence.” After all, anyone who deals with progressive rock even if simply as a listener and fan, is confronted with legions of critics who claim that rock music must submit to a categorical imperative to remain musically unsophisticated and lyrically oriented toward adolescent themes. Any attempt from within rock music to approach creativity and craft in the same ways that people in the other, shall we say, “developed,” “adult” forms of music, whether they be Western classical music, jazz, Indian classical music, or what-have-you, is to be rejected tout court, as “inauthentic,” as not proper to rock music’s essence.3 What is great about rock music isn’t its essential adolescent outlook, but rather its lack of an essence altogether. But I also wonder if the “adolescent normativity” of at least a great deal of rock music simply too close for comfort, given the orientation of much of Rand’s own work.

Still, okay, it’s not such a bad thing to be inspired by Howard Roark. It is not so bad to be inspired by the idea of “objective truth,” if the alternative is a blithe, “it all comes down to what you think”—relativism. It is not so bad to be inspired by the idea of integrity. The strength of these inspirations can be affirmed without ignoring the limitations. But then, let us not forget that the objective truth, the “is” of the real world of capitalism, is that the owners of the means of production and their top administrators (CEOs and top corporate managers) are not heroic artists, indeed they are neither heroic nor artists. Let us not forget that, for Aristotle, there is no such thing as the “virtuous person” who exists in isolation from the quality of the social fabric and the possibilities for pathways to flourishing—in other words, for Aristotle, as we might have learned in Philosophy 101, the good person, the good life, and the good society are bound together inextricably. Meanwhile, for Rand, there is about as much to the concept of “society” as there is to the collective brain. My own view is that Kant has a good deal in common with Aristotle, but that Kant is writing in a time of the overwhelming pressure of social existence, where to talk in terms of parenting and character will not deal adequately with the social currents that whip people around and shape possible conceptions of the good in persons, life, or society. In brilliant essays such as “Perpetual Peace” and “Idea for Universal History, From a Cosmopolitan Point of View” and “An Answer to the Question: What Is Enlightenment?,” Kant (1983) laid the foundations for a philosophy that takes global social relations into account. When this philosophy is joined with some serious political economy, the idea of “not owing anyone a moment of my time” seems silly and bizarre in the light of what is really involved in putting food on the table or a roof over our heads. Indeed, this notion of independence sounds like what it is: the rebellion of the sensitive adolescent with artistic or intellectual aspirations. Well, as they say on “Seinfeld”: “Not that there’s anything wrong with that”—as far as it goes. Which is also to say, as far as the model of Howard Roark goes.

This role model, a character in a novel, served as a standard for lyricist Neal Peart during a period when Rush was developing rapidly as a creative force. Again, nothing wrong with that.

I have been promising a certain comparison. As much as I don’t necessarily think that it is a bad thing to be inspired on some levels (obviously I’m hedging a good deal here) by Howard Roark, I am thinking of two role models that might have been better. For one thing, if you think Howard Roark is a romantic artist— a hero, check out Ludwig van Beethoven—he’s the one who said to one of his major patrons, a member of the ruling aristocracy of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, “What you have is through an accident of birth, what I have achieved is by my own effort; there are many princes, there is only one Beethoven.” I will return to Beethoven as a role model in a moment.

The other person I am thinking of is the real-life Howard Roark: Frank Lloyd Wright. Now there was an innovator, a real artist, and it might be useful to compare him to Howard Roark on various points. For instance, Wright had a mentor, namely Louis Sullivan. Wright had his own artistic standards, among them the refusal to build any projects where occupancy by Black or Jewish people was restricted. As I recall, African-Americans and Jews hardly appear in Rand’s narratives—I suppose that would be an instance of “tribalism” to have marked these identities—the result being that the main characters are all quite, northern Europeans.4 There is nothing unusual in this for the time, so it isn’t that Rand was any more a participant in furthering invisibility than were most white writers in the period, but my point is that Roark’s politics are largely “aesthetic,” that is, they have to do with the independence of the artist.

Rand takes one side of Aristotle and one side of Wright, and a bit of Nietzsche, at the same time striving to be perspicaciously, if not studiously, against Kant. In taking an architect as the paradigm of the capitalist, or at least of someone with the proper, “radical capitalist” point of view, Rand has raised an interesting and problematic example. Before I go further into this as both a political and an aesthetic question, and that’s a question at the intersection of politics and aesthetics, there is a point to be made about Beethoven and Wright as regards the music of Rush.

One thing that distinguishes Rush from the “first tier” of progressive rock groups is that the latter took up a good many influences from beyond rock into their music. Indeed, this is one of the reasons that progressive rock is often confronted with the dreaded charge of “pretentiousness,” because the best groups presume to stand on the shoulders of giants such as Sibelius, Stravinsky, Schoenberg, Davis, Coltrane, Taylor, Shankar, etc. (It can be added to this last, “just as the Beatles did before them.” More on this in a moment.) It is often said, and I’ve said it myself, that the formula for Rush is: one part Yes and one part Led Zeppelin. I think that formula is good enough. (I don’t know if readers of this journal will know, by the way, that there were plans at one point to form a band with two former members of each of those bands: Robert Plant and Jimmy Page from Zeppelin, and Chris Squire and Alan white from Yes. They were going to call it XYZ-- Ex-Yes/Zeppelin. However, the record companies and artistic management put the kibosh on this plan, though I’m sure their judgment was guided by the highest principles of aesthetic judgment and integrity, as is generally the case with our heroic capitalists!) I don’t want to say that the members of Rush do not have respect for the elements that went into first-tier progressive rock, namely what the Beatles have already taken up into their music and what groups such as Yes and King Crimson took even further. But there is something to the way that Rush takes off from elements more purely within rock, even if at the further reaches of it, that deserves discussion. The point is not that one cannot get to some good music this way. Instead the point is that Rush has had, in their music at any rate, about as much use for the larger history of music and art, as did Ayn Rand.

The difference is that I am sure that the members of Rush would never tell anyone that theirs is the only music worth listening to (indeed, everything I’ve ever read about the band members leads me to believe that they are exceedingly generous toward other artists. Most recently, for instance, I read a tribute from Rush bassist and vocalist Geddy Lee to the late John Entwistle). Despite this, I find some of the fans of Rush to be pretty narrow. I mean, for instance, if the topic of discussion is progressive rock, and there are bands such as Yes and King Crimson to discuss, why is it that their main contribution is to ask, “What about Rush?” All right, fans of Rush tend to be more narrowly into rock than, say, fans of Yes and King Crimson.5 They also tend to be into heavy metal. That’s fine, or at least I don’t think it’s not fine. But there is in that corner of rock music a tendency to enter cul-de-sacs, where rock music does not develop very much in terms of either creativity or craft.6

While Geddy Lee, for instance, would of course never hesitate to acknowledge the influence and/or greatness of other bass guitarists, Ayn Rand is clearly convinced that she is the only philosopher who ever mattered, whether canonical or contemporary—and she did not hesitate to tell this to her readers. Even the great cult leaders of analytic and Continental philosophy, Wittgenstein and Heidegger, never thought or said this. Wittgenstein perhaps came close, but then he had the good grace to at least think that he wasn’t worth reading either. (Some years ago I heard Thomas Flynn, of Emory University, present a paper where he remarked that Sartre had said that he would rather read detective novels than Wittgenstein. I could not restrain myself from blurting out that Wittgenstein felt the same way.)

But I still wonder what accounts for the narrowness of some Rush fans. I tend to think it is a generational thing, and by “generation” I don’t necessarily mean nineteen or twenty years, but more a certain relationship to the counterculture that inspired the later Beatles and the first generation of progressive rock groups. In Rocking the Classics, Macan (1997, 144–66) has an insightful discussion of the transition from a counterculture to what sociologists call a “taste public.” Although Macan and I disagree on the political interpretation of the counterculture (and therefore to some extent over the meaning of the transition away from it), it is still safe to say that this transition is one that is away from the politics of the rebellions that took place around the world and in the imperialist citadels in and around 1968. While I doubt that the members of Rush would have much in common with the point of view that Rand (1967, 236–69) expressed in “The Cashing In: The Student ‘Rebellion’” (or perhaps I should say that I just don’t know and maybe it would be better if I didn’t know), which is an attack on the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley, neither the redemptive utopia of “Close to the Edge” (Yes) nor the technological dystopia of “21st-Century Schizoid Man” (King Crimson) seems to be motivating themes in the earlier music of Rush. this changes, arguably, by the time of Grace under Pressure (my personal favorite) and Power Windows, but, by then, if they are still taking something from Ayn Rand and Howard Roark, then it is a vision that has matured and broadened considerably.

Returning to Beethoven and Wright: The “Beethoven” point has to do with listening to and learning from others, something Rand seem to have no interest in doing. The “Frank Lloyd Wright” point here is just that it would have been interesting if Rush had taken his work as inspiration rather than—or at least alongside— Howard Roark’s fictional life. “Architectural metaphor” is a term used in music; I think we could use some music that is inspired by Wright’s architecture and other works from the Prairie School. I would also like to hear more music that is inspired by Art Deco, a movement with which Wright’s designs might be associated in important ways. Perhaps Rush could look into this?

Wright loved the outdoors and breeding clean air, and Ayn Rand drove him crazy with her cigarette smoking when she visited Taliesin West (Wright’s school for architects, located In Arizona) to get a look at how “real architects” go about their work (Seacrest 1993, 497–98). Wright didn’t much like cities. That isn’t quite right—in fact, he hated them. Wright considered himself a socialist. Now, we can debate the extent of Wright’s influence on the creation of Howard Roark—given that, on at least some level, it does not especially matter, and, on another, Roark is decidedly not Wright, and vice versa.

What I want to focus on instead is the point that the architect, especially one who is creative and innovative, is a peculiar kind of artist. One of Howard Roark’s most famous lines is: “I don’t intend to build in order to have clients. I intend to have clients in order to build” (Rand [1943] 1993, 26). Much can be said about this statement. On the “aesthetic” side, it is reminiscent of Walter Benjamin’s claim that no great work of art was created with an audience in mind. I always thought that Jon Anderson of Yes had his priorities right when he said, “I just try to do the right thing, and then I hope somebody likes it” (Yesyears Retrospective, 1991). It isn’t that the audience doesn’t matter, but instead that, if one creates art on the basis of what one is first of all hoping an audience will like (which nowadays means a “demographic”), then one is not thinking first of all about what would be good art.

Moving to the “political” side, however, the architect faces a problem that is perhaps unique among the arts, or close to it. A person can write a novel and hope that someday she will have readers for it—but, if the readers do not come, the novel still exists, it is no less a novel for the fact of not having attracted or reached readers. And, after all, at least one person read it, even if that person is also the author—and no author is a Robinson Crusoe, even if she has indeed washed up on the shore up some isolated island, clutching a manuscript for dear life. Philip K. Dick wrote a series of novels that came to be called The Valis Trilogy. Unknown for several years was the fact that a fourth book in the series existed in the form of a manuscript that was in the midst of a mess of papers of various kinds and purposes. Even if this manuscript had not been published and attracted readers, as Radio Free Albumith, it would still have been “built.” Something similar can be said for most of the other arts, I would think, though it is certainly the case that there are vexing ontological questions about the form of existence and the materiality of musical works and films, in particular. If I write music in a conventional, Western way, with marks on paper, then I would seem to be in the same position as the novelist, and not yet having attracted listeners does not keep me from “building” my music. But mark some paper do not by themselves seemed to be music, not yet. I may need people to interpret those marks. I may need some way to record the music, such that it can be reproduced as sound. And yet these are relatively minor problems, at least as practical matters (as philosophical issues they remain difficult), and in many ways they become “more minor” every day.

With film there are similar ontological questions, but there is another problem that cannot be addressed by thought alone: money. If I want to write a novel, all I have to do is get some paper and a pen and start writing. Even a typewriter or personal computer is not so hard to acquire if that is my priority. Of course, I am assuming a social fabric in which things such as basic literacy and a ready supply of electricity are taken care of, and that is to assume a lot, in fact. It seems to me that there are all kinds of ways in which this social fabric remains unexamined by Rand, as it is, for that matter, by most people most of the time, especially in the “advanced capitalist” countries. Be that as it may, I don’t have to have great financial resources, relatively speaking, to embark upon writing a novel. But what about when it comes to making films or designing buildings, especially big buildings? Most anyone is free to put some marks on paper and thereby design a building, but if none of the buildings are actually built, what’s the point? A person may be a “failed” musician, in some sense, if they are not able to get anyone to play or listen to their music, but I would still say this person is a musician -- and perhaps, as has happened more than a few times, enthusiasts of the music come along later rather than sooner. If this happens after the musician has died, we don’t say this person was not a musician while they were alive, and has only become a musician posthumously (as appealing as this idea may be from a Nietzschean perspective). But what would we say about an “architect” whose designs were never built, not a single one of them?

Now, Howard Roark did not look upon any job as “too small”—he designed a gas station, and he brought the same craft and effort to this task as he would to designing a skyscraper. Indeed, the film especially makes a point of this. But an “architect” who never had a building built would be like an airplane pilot who never actually flew an airplane. After a while, you wouldn’t allow that this person is an actual pilot, just that he or she had hoped to become one.

Even on “aesthetic” grounds, then, Howard Roark’s statement has to confront the money issue. That is, even if, as an architect, I don’t build in order to have clients, but instead I have clients in order to build, still, I had better have some clients by and by, or else I won’t be doing any building, after a while I won’t be an architect. So, I may have as a principle that I’m going to design my buildings according to what I think of as my own visionary, innovative principles, but if I’m really going to be an architect, I’m going to have to deal with clients one way or another.. My decision to not build because there are no clients who will support my vision will become, over the course of years and decades, a decision about whether or not to be an architect at all. Again, I don’t know if there is any other art form that is in this situation, except perhaps film.

How does Rand deal with his quandary? Basically with a happy ending -- Roark stands by his principles and ultimately goes from the rock quarry to building the world’s tallest skyscraper.

Rand stuck by her principles in demanding that her version of Roark’s speech to the jury be presented in full in The Fountainhead. For her, there was a happy ending, too, at least on this point. Somehow, I’m sure Rand would attribute this to the great possibilities afforded to her by American capitalism. She’s probably right about that, but then, of course, she was using the speech to praise that system. Even so, a further “progress” in the colonization of every nook and cranny by the imperatives of capital since the making of The Fountainhead (1949) means that no Hollywood film made today would have such a speech. Think of the original Thomas Crown Affair (1968), with Steve McQueen and Faye Dunaway, as compared to the more recent remake (1999), with Pierce Brosnan and René Russo. In many ways I prefer the remake, but there was one scene in the original that I cannot imagine being placed in a Hollywood film today, namely the famous and superb chess scene.7 From the beginning of the scene, when Faye Dunaway says “let’s play,” to the end, when she says “check” (it’s typical of filmmakers that they don’t know the difference between “check” and “checkmate”), about four and a half minutes pass without a word. Can anyone imagine a scene of chess and flirtation of that length today, without a word being said, and without something (a bus or a 747) crashing or exploding? So of course the scene was not part of the remake. The irony is that the remake has Thomas Crown stealing a painting so that he can enjoy looking at it for an evening, whereas the original caper is a bank heist, and it is easier to imagine suave Pierce Brosnan actually playing chess, as opposed to brash, all-American Steve McQueen, whose other hobbies include tearing up the beach in his dune buggy.

The larger point that I am driving toward is that an artist may be able to make the decision to place aesthetic principles and other values over the “A is A” of capitalism, or, to use Marx’s expression, what is “Moses and the prophets” to capitalism, to “accumulate, accumulate, accumulate”—but the capitalist qua capitalist could not care less about what he “builds” (and, in the age of what Frederic Jameson [1991] calls “money money”—as opposed to, say, “oil money,” “steel money,” etc.—the capitalist may build nothing at all), and, indeed, the capitalist qua capitalist absolutely can not make decisions in the pursuit of some value other than profit and simply let the chips fall where they may.

We could go a good deal further with this point in terms of Rand's philosophy, because the fact is that Rand does recognize that there is a difference between the value of money and the value of artistic endeavor. She recognizes this issue in essays such as “What Is Capitalism?” (Rand 1967, 11–34), but the difference also runs through The Fountainhead—obviously, the value of what Roark is attempting in his designs does not depend on whether or not people with the kind of wealth required to execute them have any aesthetic sense at all. Rand addresses this issue by saying that, despite the difference between market value and aesthetic value, to have any other social mechanism than the invisible hand determine what is going to be produced will lead to an economy of coercion. When I see the pap and pabulum that the “culture”—if they can even be called that—of this postmodern capitalist society has devolved into, it is hard for me to think of Rand’s response to the value difference as amounting to much more than Homer Simpson saying, “yeah, but what are you gonna do?” Well, a real argument about this will have to wait for another day, but just to underline the main point, no real capitalist could say what Howard Roark said about building and clients.

Obviously, Rush accept the difference between market value and aesthetic value too— for one thing, they are not deterred by Rand’s view of rock music; for another, they have pursued their own vision of good music apart from a central concern with some of the more lucrative commercial venues. But then, financially, their story has a happy ending too, and is a lot easier to validate the market from that standpoint. Maybe that is the difference between the struggling artist and a truly starving artist, or the person who can not be an artist because market discipline has determined that she and the others around her will starve.

I’m sure this is the sort of thing that is discussed in this forum all of the time, but one problem that is often overlooked in discussions of capitalism is the use of the term “market.” The word has a relatively benign and even innocuous ring to it. Rand, like many ideologists of capitalism, tends to use the word in a folksy way, as if “the market” was just that area of the village where people brought the fruits of their labor and engaged in barter—and not what it really is in the epoch of capitalism and even more so in the epoch of imperialism and imperialist globalization, a mechanism that operates on a global scale and that depends on a basic division between the few who own the means of production and a great many who do not. An even more quaint term is “marketplace”—here one especially sees the unreality of the folksy outlook, because not only are global market mechanisms not tied to particular places (though, in my view, they are still tied in significant ways to nation-states and their ruling classes), they are progressively destroying places and any sense of place—through outright spoilage, homogenization (creation of the McWorld, absorption of people into electronic media and cyberspace, etc.).

This rambling set of reflections opened with some lines from the song “Red Lenses,” from Rush’s 1984 album, Grace Under Pressure. There are many interesting lines from that album. However, I might add, before mentioning one of the lines, that the lyric writing is another area where I cannot think of Rush as being in the first rank of progressive rock groups. Indeed, to borrow another argument from Macan, Rush came into its own at a time when the more abstract and “poetic” lyrics that were coming from Yes (often people think of Jon Anderson as the primary lyricist for the group, but Steve Howe has written or co-written some of the best lyrics to, as have Chris Squire and even Alan White), King Crimson, Genesis, etc., were giving way to more “direct” and sometimes even clumsy forms of expression. Still, I think Rush’s potential for more visionary work really showed itself with Grace Under Pressure (even if, as Rushologists know better than I do, there was some dissension within the ranks, especially because of the heavy reliance on keyboards and a somewhat smaller role for electric guitar than on previous albums). One line in “Red Lenses” refers to “thinking about the overhead—the underfed.” This makes me think of the value difference as expressed by Roark—basically what clients are about and what the art of building is about.

Long ago, Aristotle (1984, 44–50) set out the distinction between “maintaining a household,” on the one hand, and the “mere getting of money,” on the other. The first of these is the true stuff of economics, the Greek term for which (oikonomia) refers to the household, while the latter, merely seeking after money, if it becomes the dominant ethos in a society, will lead to disaffection and, ultimately, social ruin. This line of thought is taken up into the philosophies of Aquinas, Locke, Jefferson, Hegel, Marx, Sartre, and Derrida, among many others. Seemingly, Rand has some affinity for it too, but then it also seems, when “the big money” speaks, she is there to listen. (Two especially egregious examples of this are the essays on labor unions and the student movement in Rand 1967.)

One reason the “architectural metaphor” is useful in music is that a piece of music can create a world, or at least a dwelling, that people can inhabit (for at least a little while). The metaphor would seem to situate the artist on the side of maintaining a household, rather than the mere seeking of clients. Why did Rand not confront this contradiction in anything like its full depth—the contradiction that Marx expressed as that between a system of production that is fully socialized and is fully dependent upon this socialization (and that requires immiseration, exploitation, alienation, and violent crises as part of its “normal” course of operation) and the system of accumulation that is oriented toward the relative handful who own the means of production. I’m sure there is a range of reasons, having to do with everything from class background and outlook to issues of individual psychology (Rand’s overwhelming need to feel self-made and independent), but intellectually and theoretically, I think the missing term is history. Rand has the category of ill-gotten gains, but she seems to associated it with simple theft rather than with anything that is systemic and has a trajectory. Thus, she is likely to speak of ownership or the law or even “rules” (as in the essay on the student movement) without any depth on the question of how some have come by ownership of the far greater part of social wealth and the means for creating it, and what mechanisms they use (especially of the state and its police powers and so-called “system of justice,” but also the generation of ideology, whether that is through education, the “free press,” the churches that sanctify private property and tell people to accept their lot, or the culture industry more generally). With Grace under Pressure and its closely-associated follow-up, Power Windows, Rush is starting to question these things.

In the end, though, what does Ayn Rand’s (or anyone’s) philosophy have to do with musical form, and vice versa? I think it is good to have a little skepticism regarding the “aboutness” of music. I would at least hold to that skepticism to this extent: even if I don’t like some of the ideas that a band is taking up and trying to represent in their music, that isn’t the end of the story. And, as I’ve said before, the very fact that Rush is the sort of group that wants to dig into ideas and try to do something with them in their music already places them in a category separate from most of the musical “product” floating around out there. Lastly, I think the more recent Rush album as of this writing, Vapor Trails, is quite good, and I am even more impressed with Geddy Lee’s solo album, my favorite headache. It’s a very “Jewish” album, I think, and if one wants to find a historical sense in which to locate political concepts in the human striving—and if one wants to find this sends in a way that is itself historical—then I think Judaism and those old Israelites, especially the prophets, are the place to go. Otherwise, one is only “living in the present tense,” to borrow the title from an excellent song on the album.

Of course, Alissa Rosenbaum had, at one time, a relationship to Judaism—but, like I said, don’t get me started ...


Bill Martin
Symposium on "Rand, Rush, and Rock"
Replies to Christ Matthew Sciabarra's Fall of 2002 article


Notes



1. Incidentally, I would be curious to know if anyone has ever addressed the “soundtrack question” for The Fountainhead. I do not recall Max Steiner’s film score music being especially “dire.” One contemporary master of dire music, to my mind, is Mark Snow, a composer who did the music for “The X- Files” television series in film. Clearly, Snow’s music is much influenced by that of Krzystof Penderecki, a composer whom Rand would probably dislike even more than Beethoven.

2. It is worth noting that Hazel E. Barnes devotes a section to Rand in the book, An Existentialist Ethics (1967).

3. Edward Macan (1997) has dealt effectively with the “authenticity” question in Rocking the Classics, and I have also dealt with the question, and with its connection to the typical charge of “that ain’t rock ‘n roll,” in my books on music. Given that Sartre did the most to place the question of “authenticity” on the philosophical map, it might be mentioned that, for him, authenticity had nothing to do with “essence”—or, I should say, authenticity as a purely negative relationship to “essence,” an appeal to an essentialism Afula person “is” is the most inauthentic gesture that one could make. I’m bothered by the “normative adolescence” too. I should add, too, that rock music can be about adolescence and yet not necessarily be adolescent in its approach, a prime example being while Quadrophenia by The Who.

4. The editors point out to me that there are examples of minor Jewish characters in Rand’s works—for example, Sol Salzer in the play “Ideal” (in Rand 1984, 185–256) and Mr. Slotnick in The Fountainhead in (Rand [1943] 1993).

5. A good example of this is the comments that some of the classical musicians made in 2001 one Yes toured with various orchestras. Many of them pointed out that not only had they been Yes fans for a long time, but that they were led to classical music by Yes. I might add that one violinist—whom a friend of mine talked with—said that the music she played on the “Yes Symphonic” tour with some of the hardest she had ever played.

6. For instance—and perhaps there are things that I am not hearing or that I haven’t devoted enough time to exploring—I find heavy metal bass playing pretty boring with just a few exceptions, primarily Geezer Butler of Black Sabbath. But I put Black Sabbath on a whole other plane than almost every other heavy metal band, and one of the key differences is that the bass player and drummer (Bill Ward) are not just banging out some noise cushion for the guitarist. Fans of Rush, of course, appreciate—how could they not? —that Geddy Lee and Neil Peart are superb practitioners of their respective instruments, but sometimes I wonder If they really get much more than the purely technical aspect (in a word, chops). If they did, then their sights would also be set on Chris Squire, John Entwistle, Jack Bruce, and Paul McCartney, and on Bill Bruford, Alan white, the extraordinary percussionists of King Crimson (a category that includes Bruford, of course), Keith Moon, Ginger Baker, and Ringo Starr. Indeed, I take it to be a kind of litmus test of rock musicians whether or not they appreciate the brilliance of Mr. Starkey. Not to be snotty, but is it hard to Imagine more than a few Rush fans dismissing Ringo on the basis of what really amounts to pyrotechnics? Let me add that I don’t think Peart, either, is a pyrotechnician where histrionic player for the most part, but I do think it is the purely “chops” -- side of things that some Rush fans appreciate, and, as I said, I think this leads into a musical cul-de-sac.

7. Rand didn’t care much for chess, either. See her “Open Letter to Boris Spassky” in Rand 1982, 63–69. Leonard Peikoff set of philosophy that “[i]t is not a chess game divorced from reality designed by British professors for otherwise unemployable colleagues” (“Introduction,” viii). Admittedly, that is funny!



Saturday, October 17, 2015

Bioenergetic Fields



Much of alternative medicine is grounded on vitalism, the notion that living organisms possess some unique quality, an élan vital, that gives them that special quality we call life. Belief in the existence of a living force is ancient and remains widespread to this day. Called prana by the Hindus, qi or chi by the Chinese, ki by the Japanese, and 95 other names in 95 other cultures (Brennen 1988), this substance is said to constitute the source of life that is so often associated with soul, spirit, and mind. Wheeler (1939) reviewed the history of vitalism in the West and defined it as "all the various doctrines which, from the time of Aristotle, have described things as actuated by some power or principle additional to mechanics and chemistry." Modern theories of vitalism include those of Driesch (1914) and Bergson (1919).

In ancient times, the vital force was widely identified with breath, which the Hebrews called ruach, the Greeks psyche or pneuma (the breath of the gods), and the Romans spiritus. As breath was gradually acknowledged to be a material substance, words like "psychic" and "spirit" evolved to refer to the assumed nonmaterial and perhaps supernatural medium by which organisms gain the qualities of life and consciousness. The idea that matter alone can do the job has never proved popular.

Chi or qi remains the primary concept in traditional Chinese medicine, still widely practiced in China and experiencing an upsurge of interest in the West. Chi is a living force that is said to flow rhythmically through so-called "meridians" in the body. The methods of acupuncture and acupressure are used to stimulate the flow at special acu- points along these meridians, although their location has never been consistently specified. The chi force is not limited to the body, but is believed to flow throughout the environment (Huston 1995). When building a house, many believers rely on a feng shui master to decide on an orientation that is well-aligned with this flow.

As modern science developed in the West and the nature of matter was gradually uncovered, a few scientists sought scientific evidence for the nature of the living force. After Newton had published his laws of mechanics, optics, and gravity, he spent many years looking for the source of life in alchemic experiments. His search was not irrational, given the knowledge of the day. Newtonian physics provided no basis for the complexity that is necessary for any purely material theory of life or mind. This would require quantum physics. Furthermore, Newtonian gravity had an occult quality about it, with its invisible action at a distance. Gravity seemed to be transmitted across space with no intervening matter evident. Perhaps the forces of life and thought had similar immaterial properties. Still, Newton and others who followed the same trail never managed to uncover a signal for a special substance of spirit or life.

In the eighteenth century, Anton Mesmer imagined that magnetism was the universal living force and treated patients for a wide variety of ills with magnets, a therapy still being promoted today. He believed that a force called "animal magnetism" resided in the human body and could be directed into other bodies. Indeed, patients would exhibit violent reactions when Mesmer directed his energy toward them by pointing his finger, until the flow of "nervous current" would re-balance the patient's energies (Ball 1998). Today, "mesmerism" has become associated with hypnosis and disconnected from animal magnetism or other notions of a living force, but Mesmer's ideas have survived in various modern "holistic" theories that contradict science.

In the late nineteenth century, prominent scientists including William Crookes and Oliver Lodge sought scientific evidence for what they called the "psychic force" that they believed was responsible for the mysterious powers of the mind being exhibited by the mediums and spiritualist hucksters of the day. They thought it might be connected with the electromagnetic "aether waves" that had just been discovered and were being put to amazing use. If wireless telegraphy was possible, why not wireless telepathy? This was a reasonable question at the time. However, while wireless telegraphy thrived, wireless telepathy made no progress in the full century of uncorroborated experiments in "parapsychology" that followed (Stenger 1990).

Conventional medicine follows conventional biology, conventional chemistry, and conventional physics in treating the material body - a complex, nonlinear system assembled from the same atoms and molecules that constitute (presumably) nonliving objects such as computers and automobiles. Medical doctors are in some sense glorified mechanics, who repair broken parts in the human machine. Indeed, any stay in the hospital reinforces this image, as you are hooked to devices that measure blood pressure, temperature, oxygen saturation, and many other physical parameters. You are almost always treated with drugs that are designed to alter your body's chemistry. You usually get better, every time but once, but, unless you are a physicist, you tend to view the whole experience rather negatively.

No surprise, then, that alternative practitioners find many eager listeners when they announce that they go beyond materialism and mechanism, and treat the really important part of the human system - the vital substance of life itself. People's religious sensibilities and images of self-worth are greatly mollified when they are told that they are far more than an assemblage of atoms - that they possess a living field that is linked to both God and cosmos. Furthermore, the desperately ill will quite naturally seek out hope wherever they can find it. So a ready market exists for therapists who claim they can succeed where medical science fails.

I must at least mention the highly celebrated recent publication in a major medical journal of the tests of Therapeutic Touch performed by the schoolgirl Emily Rosa (Rosa 1998). In this simple experiment, TT practitioners were unable to detect Emily's "energy field." It seems that not only is this field so transparent that no one can see it, the theory behind it is so transparent that even a child can see through it.

Unified Biofield Theory

The hypothetical vital force is often referred to these days as the bioenergetic field. Touch therapists, acupuncturists, chiropractors, and many other alternative practitioners tell us that they can affect cures for many ills by "manipulating" this field, thereby bringing the body's "live energies" into balance.

The use of "bioenergetic" in this context is somewhat ambiguous. This term is applied in conventional biochemistry to refer to the readily measurable exchanges of energy within organisms, and between them and their environment, which occur by normal physical and chemical processes. This is not, however, what the new vitalists have in mind. They imagine the bioenergetic field as a holistic living force that goes beyond reductionist physics and chemistry.

By "holistic" here, I am not referring to trivial homilies such as the need to treat the patient as a whole and recognize that many factors, such as the psychological, emotional, and social, contribute to well-being along with the physical body. While this is often the example used by those who claim to practice holistic medicine, they imply something much more is at work in their treatments. Treating the whole person does not contradict any reductionist principles. Neither does the fact that the parts of a physical system interact with one another. Reductionism is not about a universe of isolated objects. The holism that goes beyond reductionism implies a universe of objects that interact simultaneously, and so strongly that none can ever be treated separately. This concept enters into the discussion of bioenergetic fields, where that field is imagined as some cosmic aether that pervades the universe and acts instantaneously, faster than the speed of light, over all of space.

Therapeutic Touch and other forms of "holistic healing" are now widely practiced within the nursing community (Rosa 1994, Schieber 1997, Ulett 1997, Rosa 1998, Pryjmachuk 1998). These seem to be based on a theoretical system called "The Science of Unitary Human Beings," proposed by Rogers (1970, 1986, 1989, 1990). According to Rogers, "energy fields are postulated to constitute the fundamental unit of the living and nonliving." The field is "a unifying concept and energy signifies the dynamic nature of the field. Energy fields are infinite and paradimensional; they are in continuous motion" (Rogers 1990, 30).

The exact nature of the bioenergetic field is not specified, even as a speculative hypothesis, in Rogers or the other literature on holistic healing. On the one hand, the biofield seems to be identified with the classical electromagnetic field; on the other it is confused with quantum fields or wave functions. For example, Stefanatos (1997, 227) writes: "The principles of energy medicine originate in quantum physics. Bioenergetic medicine is the study of human and animal bodies as dynamic electromagnetic fields existing in an electromagnetic environment."

Auras and Discharges


Perhaps the most specific model for the bioenergetic field is some special form of electromagnetism. Advocates claim that measurable electromagnetic waves are emitted by humans."

In the Journal of Advanced Nursing, Patterson relates "spiritual healing" to the belief that "we are all part of the natural harmonious energy of the universe." Within this universal energy field is a human energy field "that is intimately involved with human life, often called the 'aura'" (Patterson 1998, 291).

Some self-described psychics claim that they can "see" a human aura. The claim has not been substantiated (Loftin 1990). Indeed, humans have auras that can be photographed with infrared-sensitive film. However, this can be trivially identified as "black body" electromagnetic radiation. Everyday objects that reflect very little light will appear black. These bodies emit invisible infrared light that is the statistical result of the random thermal movements of all the charged particles in the body. The wavelength spectrum has a characteristic smooth shape completely specified by the body's absolute temperature. As that temperature rises, the spectrum moves into the visible. The sun, for example, radiates largely as a "black body" of temperature 6,000 K, with a broad peak at the center of the visible spectrum in the yellow. At their much lower body temperatures, humans radiate mostly in the infrared region of the spectrum that is invisible to the naked eye but easily seen with infrared detection equipment.

The inability of the wave theory of light to explain the black body spectrum led, in 1900, to Planck's conjecture that light comes in bundles of energy called "quanta," thus triggering the quantum revolution. These quanta are now recognized as material photons. It is somewhat ironic that holists find such comfort in quantum mechanics, which replaced etherial waves with material particles." Surely black body radiation is not a candidate for the bioenergetic field, for then even the cosmic microwave background, 2.7K radiation left over from the big bang, would be "alive." Black body radiation lacks any of the complexity we associate with life. It is as featureless as it can be and still be consistent with the laws of physics. Any fanciful shapes seen in photographed auras emanating from humans can be attributed to optical and photographic effects, uncorrelated with any property of the body that one might identify as "live" rather than "dead," and the tendency for people to see patterns where none exist.

Stefanatos (1997, 228) tells us that the "electromagnetic fields (EMF) emanating from bacteria, viruses, and toxic substances affect the cells of the body and weaken its constitution." So the vital force is identified quite explicitly with electromagnetic fields and said to be the cause of disease. But somehow the life energies of the body are balanced by bioenergetic therapies. "No antibiotic or drug, no matter how powerful, will save an animal if the vital force of healing is suppressed or lacking" (Stefanatos 1997, 229). So health or sickness is determined by who wins the battle between good and bad electromagnetic waves in the body.

Now it would seem that all these effects of electromagnetic fields in living things would be easily detectable, given the great precision with which electromagnetic phenomena can be measured in the laboratory. Physics can measure the magnetic dipole moment of the electron (a measure of the strength of the electron's magnetic field) to one part in ten billion, and calculate it with the same accuracy. They surely should be able to detect any electromagnetic effects in the body powerful enough to move atoms around or do whatever happens in causing or curing disease. But neither physics nor any other science has seen anything that demands we go beyond well established physical theories. No elementary particle or field has been found that is uniquely biological. None is even hinted at in our most powerful detectors.

Besides the infrared black body radiation already mentioned, electromagnetic waves at other frequencies are detected from the brain and other organs. As mentioned, these are often claimed as "evidence" for the bioenergetic field. In conventional medicine, they provide powerful diagnostic information. But these electromagnetic waves show no special characteristics that differentiate them from the electromagnetic waves produced by moving charges in any electronic system. Indeed, they can be simulated with a computer. No marker has been found that uniquely labels the waves from organisms "live" rather than "dead."

Kirlian Photography is often cited as evidence for the existence of fields unique to living things. For example, Patterson (1998) claims that the "seven or more layers within an aura, each with its own colour," have been recorded using Kirlian photography.

Semyon Davidovich Kirlian was an Armenian electrician who discovered in 1937 that photographs of live objects placed in a pulsed high electromagnetic will show remarkable surrounding" aura." In the typical Kirlian experiment, a object, such as a freshly-cut leaf, is placed on a piece of photographic film that is electrically isolated from a flat aluminum electrode with a piece of dielectric material. A pulsed high voltage is then applied between another electrode placed in contact with the object and the aluminum electrode. The film is then developed.

The resulting photographs indicate dynamic, changing patterns, with multicolored sparks, twinkles, and flares (Ostrander 1970, Moss 1974). Dead objects do not have such lively patterns! In the case of a leaf, the pattern is seen to gradually go away as the leaf dies, emitting cries of agony during its death throes. Ostrander and Schroeder described what Kirlian and his wife observed: "As they watched, the leaf seemed to be dying before their very eyes, and the death was reflected in the picture of the energy impulses." The Kirlians reported that "We appeared to be seeing the very life activity of the leaf itself" (Ostrander 1970, 200).

As has been amply demonstrated, the Kirlian aura is nothing but corona discharge, reported as far back as 1777 and completely understood in terms of well-known physics. Controlled experiments have demonstrated that claimed effects, such as the cries of agony of a dying leaf, are sensitively dependent on the amount of moisture present. As the leaf dies, it dries out, lowering its electrical conductivity. The same effect can been seen with a long dead but initially wet piece of wood (Pehek 1976; Singer 1981; Watkins 1988, 1989).

Once again, like the infrared aura, we have a well known electromagnetic phenomenon being paraded in front of innocent lay people, unfamiliar with basic physics, as "evidence" for a living force. It is nothing of the sort. Proponents of alternative medicine would have far fewer critics among conventional scientists if they did not resort to this kind of dishonesty and foolishness. (For more discussion of Kirlian photography, see Stenger 1990, 237-241).

Quantum Healing


"Quantum" is the magic incantation that appears in virtually everything written on alternative medicine. It seems to be uttered in order to make all the inconsistencies, incoherences, and incompatibilities of the proposed scheme disappear in a puff of smoke. Since quantum mechanics is weird, anything weird must be quantum mechanics.

Quantum mechanics is claimed as support for mind-over-matter solutions to health problems. The way the observer is entangled with the object being observed in quantum mechanics is taken to infer that human consciousness actually controls reality. As a consequence, we can all think ourselves into health and, indeed, immortality - if we only buy this book (Chopra 1989. 1993). As I showed in a previous issue of this journal, "quantum healing" is based on a particularly misleading interpretation of quantum mechanics (Stenger 1997). Other interpretations exist that do not require any mystical ingredients (see also Stenger 1995).

"Einstein" is a name found frequently in the literature on bioenergetic fields. Stephantos (1997, 228) says: "Based on Einstein's theories of quantum physics, these energetic concepts are being integrated into medicine for a comprehensive approach to disease diagnosis, prevention, and treatment."

Einstein's theories of quantum physics? What theories are these? While Einstein contributed mightily to the development of quantum mechanics, especially with his photon theory, modern quantum mechanics is the progeny of a large group of early century physicists. Planck, Bohr, de Broglie, Heisenberg, Schrödinger, Pauli, Born, Jordan, and Dirac each made contributions to quantum mechanics at least as important as Einstein's. Einstein's immortality rests securely enough on his two theories of relativity.

Referring to well known authorities such as Fritjof Capra and Ken Wilber, Stefanatos (1997, 227) tells how "Einstein's quantum model replaced the Newtonian mechanistic model of humankind and the universe." Thus holistic healing is associated with the rejection of classical, Newtonian physics. Yet, holistic healing retains many ideas from eighteenth and nineteenth century physics. Its proponents are blissfully unaware that these ideas, especially superluminal holism, have been rejected by modern physics as well.

Never mind that Einstein was not the inventor of quantum mechanics and objected strongly to its anti-Newtonian character, saying famously, "God does not play dice." Never mind that electromagnetic fields were around well before quantum physics and it was Einstein himself who proposed that they are composed of reductionist particles. And never mind that Einstein did away with the aether, the medium that nineteenth century physicists thought was doing the waving in an electromagnetic wave, and a few others thought might also be doing the waving for "psychic waves." The bioenergetic field described in holistic literature seems to be confused with the aether. Or, perhaps no confusion is implied. They each share at least one common feature - nonexistence.

As the nineteenth century drew to a close, experiments by Michelson and Morley had failed to find evidence for the aether. This laid the foundation for Einstein's theory of relativity and his photon theory of light, both published in 1905. Electromagnetic radiation is now understood to be a fully material phenomenon. Photons have both inertial and gravitational mass (even though they have zero rest mass) and exhibit all the characteristics of material bodies. Electromagnetism is as material as breath, and an equally incredible candidate for the vital field.

Much as we might wish otherwise, the fact remains that no unique living force has ever been conclusively demonstrated to exist in scientific experiments. Of course, evidence for a life force might someday be found, but this is not what is claimed in the literature that promotes much of alternative medicine. There you will see the strong assertion that current scientific evidence exists for some entity beyond conventional matter, and that this claim is supported by modern physical theory - especially quantum mechanics. Furthermore, the evidence is not to be found in the data from our most powerful telescopes or particle accelerators, probing beyond existing frontiers. Rather, it resides in vague, imprecise, anecdotal claims of the alleged curative powers of traditional folk remedies and other nostrums. These claims simply do not follow from any reasonable application of scientific criteria.

The bioenergetic field plays no role in the theory or practice of biology or scientific medicine. Vitalism and bioenergetic fields remain hypotheses not required by the data, to be rejected by Occam's razor until the data demand otherwise.

The Significance Level of Medical Studies


In my field of particle physics, reputable journals such as Physical Review Letters will not publish any claim of a new phenomenon, such as evidence for the top quark or the mass of the neutrino, unless the data have a "significance level" of 10-4 or less. This means that if the same experiment were repeated 10,000 times, the reported effect would have been produced artifactually, as a statistical fluctuation or systematic error, no more than once on average.

In medicine, and related fields such as psychology and pharmacology, and in the social sciences as well, the significance level for publication in the best journals is typically five percent. That is, the experiment need only be repeated twenty times, on average, to have the reported effect not be real but to result from an artifact of the experiment. This means that every twentieth paper you read could be a fluke, although many, of course, exceed the significance threshold and so the fraction of reliable results is probably, thankfully, much greater.

This very loose criterion in the human sciences is justified by the very reasonable argument that any new result should be put to use as soon as possible in case it may save lives. Indeed, medical researchers are placed under pressures, unheard of in the rest of science, to make their results available well before they can be confirmed by criteria and procedures that are quite conventional in other disciplines. Also, in many cases this is perhaps the best that can be done, given the greater complexity of the human body or human social systems compared to the typical systems studied in physics. Still, it might do well for the human disciplines to tighten up a bit. They will avoid much confusion, and very likely make better progress, as fewer researchers waste time and money following blind alleys that are suggested by research already "published in peer-reviewed journals."

We might ask: What criterion should be applied to those studies that claim to show some therapy works, when that therapy violates well established scientific principles, such as the conventional laws of physics? For example, should we publish an experiment that indicates Therapeutic Touch works where the significance level is five percent? I argue that we should not. Given the difficulty of accurately estimating errors in any human experiment, any such claims are far more likely to be wrong than one in twenty. One in one are more likely to be wrong.

I am not advocating censorship - just tighter standards to apply for any extraordinary claim, in physics and medicine. When the significance level for bioenergetic fields reaches 0.01 percent, that is, one in ten thousand chances for an artifact, then publish away and watch physicists scramble for an alternative to their conventional theories of matter.

If bioenergetic fields exist, then some two hundred years of physics, chemistry, and biology has to be re-evaluated. I would insist that any experiment claiming their existence be forced to obey the same criteria that particle physicists and other forefront researchers must obey, a significance level of one part in ten thousand rather than one part in twenty. It is one thing to publish a low significance result that does not violate known principles; it is another to publish one that forces science to undergo a paradigm-shift and redirect the limited resources of research to areas that are extremely unlikely to produce any pay- off.

Much of alternative medicine is based on claims that violate well established scientific principles. Those that require the existence of a bioenergetic field, whether therapeutic touch or acupuncture, should be asked to meet the same criteria as anyone else who claims a phenomenon whose existence goes beyond established science. They have an enormous burden of proof, and it is time that society laid it on their thin shoulders.

Acknowledgments:


The author is grateful for very helpful comments from Benedict Adamson, Dr. Stephen Barrett, Paul Bernhardt, Keith Douglas, Robert G. Grimes, Jim Humphreys, Peter Huston, and Dr. David Ramey.

References:


Ball, Thomas S. and Dean D. Alexander 1998. "Catching Up with Eighteenth Century Science in the Evaluation of Therapeutic Touch." Skeptical Inquirer 22(4), 31-34.

Bergson, H. 1911. Creative Evolution. New York: Macmillan.


Brennen, B. A. 1988. Hands of Light: A Guide to Healing Through the Human Energy Field. New York: Bantam New Age Books.

Driesch, H. 1914. History and Theory of Vitalism. New York. Macmillan. Huston, Peter 1995. Skeptical Inquirer 19(5), 38-42, 58.

Loftin, Robert W. 1990. "Auras: Searching for the Light." Skeptical Inquirer 14(4), 403- 409.

Moss, Thelma 1974. The Probability of the Impossible. Los Angeles: Tarcher.

Meehan, T. C. 1985. "The Effect of Therapeutic Touch on the Experiences of Acute Pain in Postoperative Patients." Unpublished doctoral dissertation, New York University.

Ostrander, S. and L. Schroeder 1970. Psychic Discoveries Beyond the Iron Curtain. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

Patterson, Elissa 1998. "The Philosophy and Physics of Holistic Health Care: Spiritual Healing as a Workable Interpretation." Journal of Advanced Nursing 27, 287-293.

Pehek, John O., Hay J. Kyler, and David L. Faust 1976. "Image Modulation in Corona Discharge Photography." Science 194, 263-270.

Pryjmachuk, Steven, Dsnal P. O'Mathzna, Wayne Spencer. Michael Stanwick, Stephan Matthiesen 1998. "Therapeutic Touch: Misusing Science to Justify Non Science."

Rogers, M. 1970. The Theoretical Basis for Nursing. Philadelphia: F.A. Davies.

Rogers, M. 1986. "Science of Unitary Human Beings." In V. M. Malinski (ed.) Explorations of Martha Rogers' Science of Unitary Human Beings.

Norwark: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Rogers, M. 1989. "Nursing: A Science of Unitary Human Beings." In J.P. Riehl-Sisca (ed.) Conceptual Models for Nursing Practice. 3rd edition. Norwark: Appleton & Lange.

Rogers, M. 1990. "Nursing: Science of Unitary, Irreducible, Human Beings: Update 1990." In E.A.M Barrett (ed.) Visions of Rogers' Science-Based Nursing. New York: National League for Nursing.

Rogers, M. 1992. "Nursing Science and the Space Age." Nursing Science Quarterly 5(1), 27-34.

Rosa, Linda A. 1994. "Therapeutic Touch." Skeptic 3(1),40-49.

Rosa, L., E. Rosa, L. Sarner, and S. Barrett 1998. "A Close Look at Therapeutic Touch." Journal of the American Medical Association 279, 1005-1010.

Schieber, Bela 1997. "Therapeutic Touch: Evaluating the 'Growing Body of Evidence' Claim." The Scientific Review of Alternative Medicine 1(1), 13-15.

Singer, Barry 1981. "Kirlian Photography." In George O. Abell and Barry Singer (eds.) Science and the Paranormal. New York: Scribners.

Stefanatos, Joanne 1997. "Introduction to Bioenergetic Medicine." Chapter 16 of Allen M. Schoen and Susan G. Wynn (eds.) Complementary and Alternative Veterinary Medicine: Principles and Practice. Mosby-Year Book.

Stenger, Victor J. 1990. Physics and Psychics: The Search for a World Beyond the Senses. Buffalo NY: Prometheus Books.

Stenger, Victor J. 1995. The Unconscious Quantum: Metaphysics in Modern Physics and Cosmology. Buffalo NY: Prometheus Books.

Stenger, Victor J. 1997a. "Quantum Quackery." Skeptical Inquirer 21(1),37-40.

Stenger, Victor 1997b. "Quantum Mysticism." The Scientific Review of Alternative Medicine 1(1), 26-30.

Ulett, George 1997. "Therapeutic Touch: Tracing Back to Mesmer." The Scientific Review of Alternative Medicine 1(1), 16-18.

Watkins, Arleen J. and William S. Bickel 1986. "A Study of the Kirlian Effect." Skeptical Inquirer 10(3),244-257; "The Kirlian Technique: Controlling the Wild Cards." Skeptical Inquirer 13(2), 172-184.

Wheeler, L. Richard 1930. Vitalism: Its History and Validity. London: Witherby.



Victor J. Stenger
The Scientific Review of Alternative Medicine,
Vol. 3, No. 1, Spring/Summer 1999.

Saturday, February 15, 2014

Revolution by Other Means: Jefferson, the Jefferson Bible, and Jesus



It would be difficult to dispute that Thomas Jefferson was, at times, a ruthless, amoral, and unscrupulous politician. While Secretary of State, he secretly helped create a newspaper to attack his boss, President Washington, he supported the paper (and its editor) with funds drawn from State Department accounts; and he leaked secret information taken from State Department files so that the paper (the National Gazette) could publicize Jefferson’s views without Jefferson actually having to confront Washington (Burns; see, however, Malone, 423–427). Once he had assumed the presidency, himself, Jefferson pushed his followers to find ways to impeach politically inconvenient judges (Bernstein). Later, despite having won the presidency, in part, by charging President Adams and his followers with violating the press’s liberties, he urged his followers to use local and state laws to harass newspapers that opposed him with a few “wholesome punishments” (Levy; Jefferson, “Second Inaugural,” avalon.law.yale.edu).
While acknowledging Jefferson’s duplicity and ruthlessness in politics, most historians have been willing to accept at face value his protestations regarding religion. He, after all, had placed on his tombstone “HERE WAS BURIED THOMAS JEFFERSON [—] AUTHOR OF THE DECLARATION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE[;] OF THE STATUTE OF VIRGINIA FOR RELIGIOUS FREEDOM[;] AND FATHER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA....” His tolerance, his deism, his belief in a rational approach to religion are writ large in accepted history—and this essay will not challenge the broad outline of this dogma. There are, however, devils in the details of Jefferson’s religious beliefs and the accepted texts of his beliefs must, in some instances, be tinted and footnoted.
We need to turn first to the religious shades cast by many American leaders during the time of the American Revolution and the Early Republic. As Gordon Wood has noted, “most of the founding fathers had not put much emotional stock in religion.... As enlightened gentlemen, they abhorred the ‘great gloomy superstition disseminated by ignorant illiberal preachers’ and looked forward to the day when ‘the phantom of darkness will be dispelled by the rays of science, and the bright charms of rising civilization’” (Wood, 330).
The leading founders embodied their views in their actions. On June 7, 1797, for instance, the Senate of the United States unanimously passed a “Treaty of Peace and Friendship” with the pasha of Tripoli, a so- called “Barbary pirate” who had been raiding American ships and holding American sailors hostage. The eleventh article of this treaty has, deservedly, attracted attention over the years. It reads:
As the Government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion,—as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility, of Mussulmen,—and as the said States never entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries [avalon.law.yale.edu].
Article 11 did not, at the time, excite consternation. The treaty was widely available in newspapers and it had been read on the floor of the Senate. The vote, outside of its unanimity, was not exceptional in any way and the Senate moved onto other business. Retrospectively, its implications regarding the founding generation’s “original intent” are, here in the early twenty-first century, significant. Within less than a decade of the writing of the United States Constitution, the Senate, in very humdrum fashion, put the government on record as not being “in any sense” a Christian nation (Gould, stephenjaygould.org).
Seven years earlier, George Washington had undertaken a tour of New England as a “goodwill tour” promoting the new government he now headed. The Touro congregation at the Sephardic synagogue in Newport, Rhode Island, anticipating Washington’s arrival in their area, had expressed their pleasure at being included in “a Government, which to bigotry gives no sanction, to persecution no assistance—but generously affording to all Liberty of conscience, and immunities of Citizenship:—deeming every one, of whatever Nation, tongue, or language equal parts of the great governmental Machine” (avalon.law.yale.edu).
Washington responded that year with what has become one of the most famous of his letters—now called the “Touro Synagogue Letter”:
The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation.... It is now no more that toleration is spoken of as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights, for happily, the Government of the United States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance, requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support ... every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and fig tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid [George Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Series 2 Letterbooks, Letterbook 39].
In fact, the George Washington who has been pictured in innumerable (and romanticized) etchings, sketchings, posters, and tourist trinkets as kneeling in prayer at Valley Forge quite likely did not exist. On February 1, 1800 (or forty- nine days after Washington’s death), Jefferson recorded in his private notes:
[Benjamin] Rush tells me that he had it from Asa Green that when the clergy addressed Genl. Washington on his departure from the govmt, it was observed in their consultation that he had never, on any occasion said a word to the public which showed a belief in the Xn religion and they thot they should so pen their address as to force him at length to declare publicly whether he was a Christian or not. They did so. However he observed the old fox was too cunning for them. He answered every article of their address particularly except that, which he passed over without notice. Rush observes he never did say a word on the subject in any of his public papers except in his valedictory letter to the Governors of the states when he resigned his commission in the army, wherein he speaks of the benign influence of the Christian religion. “I know that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in his secrets & believed himself to be so, has often told me that Genl. Washington believed no more of that system [Christianity] than he himself did” [Jefferson in Bergh, ed., 433–434].
The import of Jefferson’s notes is supported by a pastor of the Episcopal Church in Philadelphia which the Washingtons attended during Washington’s presidency:
I can only state the following facts: that, as Pastor of the Episcopal Church, observing that, on Sacrament Sundays, George Washington, immediately after the desk and pulpit services, went out with the greater part of the congregation ... I considered it my duty, in a Sermon on Public Worship, to state the unhappy tendency of example, particularly of those in elevated stations, who uniformly turned their backs upon the celebration of the Lord’s Supper.... A few days after, in conversation ... with a Senator of the United States, he [the Senator] told me he had dined the day before with the President, who, in the course of conversation at the table, said that ... he had received a very just rebuke from the pulpit for always leaving the church before the administration of the Sacrament; ... That he had never sufficiently considered the influence of his example, and that he would not again give cause for the repetition of the reproof; and that, as he had never been a communicant, were he to become one then, it would be imputed to an ostentatious display of religious zeal, arising altogether from his elevated station. Accordingly, he never afterwards came on the morning of sacrament Sunday, .... [James Abercrombie, qtd. in Sprague, 394].
Even the most religious and, by far, the most enthusiastically devout of the early presidents, Andrew Jackson, not only refused to support a movement to form a Christian (read Protestant) Party, he, perhaps more importantly, also refused to halt mail deliveries on Sunday. In response to a call by a supporter, the Evangelical minister Ezra Stiles Ely, to form a Christian (read Protestant) party, Jackson wrote to Ely: “Amongst the greatest blessings secured to us under our Constitution is the liberty of worshipping God as our conscience dictates” (Andrew Jackson to Ezra Stiles, qtd. in Haskell, 406; for Ely sermon see The Reformer, 7:135–137).
Jackson’s point of view indicates that even the more religious of American political leaders were not so quick to call for religious obedience supra the Constitution or America’s libertarian past. Congress simply refused to listen to those Protestants who wanted a stricter observance of the Sabbath. After more than a decade of petitions from evangelicals on the subject and with almost two full decades in which the voters could have made their preferences known, the Senate’s “1829 Report on the Subject of Mails on the Sabbath” declared that the Senate was “a civil institution, wholly destitute of religious authority” and concluded that “the line cannot be too strongly drawn between church and state” (U.S. Senate Report, qtd. in Lambert, 2010; “Review of a report of the Committee, to whom was referred the several petitions on the subject of mails on the Sabbath; presented to the Senate of the United States, January 16, 1829, by the Hon. Mr. Johnson, of Kentucky, chairman of said committee”).
There was, however, another side to American political life in the founding decades. While Minister Ely had little luck with his crusade against Sunday mail deliveries, the cultural magnet of religion grew ever more powerful. During the Constitutional era, several states decided to rewrite their constitutions. Generally, this has been seen as a conservative reaction against state constitutions which were either perceived as too radical, too threatening to coastal elites, or simply too unworkable (or some combination thereof ).
The most important of the rewrites was almost certainly the one undertaken by Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania’s 1776 Constitution had been the most radical of the state Revolutionary era constitutions; in fact, it was known as the “Radical” Constitution. It had been put into place without ratification, without consultation with the populace, and without even much deliberation. When Pennsylvania wrote a new constitution in 1789–1790, its constitutional convention wrote the new constitution in a very deliberate fashion, debated it at considerable length, and enacted it only after a pause of a number of months in which delegates returned to their districts to sample their constituents’ opinions. Despite a period of furious debate over the provisions for the State Senate during December and early January, by late January the people of Pennsylvania seem to have found the process so unexceptional that they lost interest in it. Even the more radical newspapers in Pennsylvania stopped reporting on it by early February. The populace accepted its installation without murmur in September of 1790.
Yet, in the convention’s debates over religious qualifications for officeholding, something odd had occurred—something which suggests that the skepticism and deistic coloration of America’s leaders did not quite match what was occurring at lower political levels. A committee of distinguished state leaders had created the first draft of the new state constitution in December of 1789 and reported a bill of rights that had as its fourth section: “That no person who acknowledges the being of a God, and a future state of rewards and punishments shall, on account of his religious sentiments, be disqualified to hold any office of trust or profit under this commonwealth” (Pennsylvania State Constitutional Convention, 1789–1790).
By European standards, this was remarkably liberal; it opened the door to political office not only to Christians, but to Jews and Moslems. Some delegates, nevertheless, felt that it was not sufficiently liberal. On February 3, one Philadelphia County delegate, William Robinson, Jr., moved to strike “and a future state of rewards” from the draft. Apparently before a vote on that motion could be held (parliamentary procedure being somewhat looser in the eighteenth century), he made a second motion to also strike “who acknowledges the being of a God, and a future state of rewards and punishments.” Robinson’s motion was defeated 13–47. Most of the votes in favor of Robinson’s motion came from (supposedly conservative) Federalists, while those who were later to be identified with “liberal” Jeffersonian agrarianism, and certainly with Jefferson, himself generally voted to keep the restrictions (Minutes of the Grand Committee, 84).
There was something of the future in this vote. Gordon Wood, in his Radicalism of the American Revolution, notes that by the 1820s even such a profoundly anti– Christian jurist as the New York chancellor, James Kent, found it necessary to recognize Christianity as being at the core of the body politic (Wood, 331). In the case of New York v. Ruggles (8 Johns. R. 290 N.Y. 1811), Kent found that Ruggles, in saying that “Jesus Christ was a bastard, and his mother must be a whore,” had threatened the basic tenets of ordered civilization:
We stand equally in need, now as formerly, of all the moral discipline, and of those principles of virtue, which help to bind society together. The people of this state, in common with the people of this country, profess the general doctrines of christianity, as the rule of their faith and practice; and to scandalize the author of these doctrines is not only, in a religious point of view, extremely impious, but, even in respect to the obligations due to society, is a gross violation of decency and good order.
Christianity had, by the mid–1800s, not become the religion of society; it had become society itself. Admittedly it was, by and large, a very accepting Christianity, one capable of tolerating wide variation. The general society neither disdained nor hindered skeptics such as the young Abraham Lincoln. Religious orthodoxy, admittedly a wide orthodoxy, had found a respect, if not a foothold, among the most religiously liberal. Even those who were not religious, could not ignore the ordering and stabilizing effects of Christianity. The country may have treasured orthodoxy but it still tolerated attacks on that orthodoxy (assuming a certain level of civility). Jews might not be Christians, but Judaism was tolerated so long as it did not stand in active opposition to the Christian orthodoxy. Skeptics could and did profess their disbelief, but they were generally left unchecked so as long as they did not attempt to savage the broad religious consensus. If one can have a profound but vaporous orthodoxy, then such can be said of the United States. In such a society, it is all but unremarkable, so far as a national history goes, that Jefferson created his own Bible (or, to be more correct, “Bibles”)—with a cutting tool and with paste. The Bible appears, at the least, to be the third president’s own existential testimony to freedom of conscience. Historians have tended to treat the Jefferson Bible as no more than an intellectual exercise, a quaint tinkering, as it were, with Christianity by slicing out all the mysticism found in it. In a land, however, that held what may seem religiously oxymoronic— a land that possessed a profoundly vaporous orthodoxy—we should be alert that not all may be quite as it seems.
First, Jefferson composed not one but two “Jefferson Bibles.” In both instances, Jefferson simply took several bibles, cut from them various verses, and then pasted these verses onto pages that he later bound into what were essentially devotionals. Jefferson, probably a little disingenuously, stated that he compiled the first Bible during a few nights in the late winter of 1804. Using two bibles (which are still preserved) from which he cut the wanted verses, Jefferson pasted them onto 46 octavo sheets. It is at this point that we step into the long strange journey that we name the “Jefferson Bible.” What happened to this first “Jefferson Bible” is unknown (D. Adams, ed., 45 –53). Jefferson mentioned this first effort in several letters that are still extant. The key one, at least for our understanding, is a letter of April 25, 1816, to Francis Adrian Van der Kemp—a Dutch political radical and minister who had fled from Europe to escape imprisonment by the Prussians and an intellectual considered to be one of the most learned men in the United States (D. Adams, ed., 368–370; Schama). It is in this letter that Jefferson states that the first Jefferson Bible was “hastily done, however, being the work of one or two evenings only....”
While we know that Jefferson created his first Bible quickly, the reality is that it could not have been the work of only one or two evenings. The reader is invited to do the following: first, become very learned in Christian scripture, then create some type of index to guide your selection of verses (making certain that you literally have several hundred verses in your index—enough, in fact, to make a Gospel), now make selections so that you can form reasonable sentences and shape those sentences into reasonable paragraphs, all the while keeping in mind that your paragraphs must finally be formed into reasonable Biblical chapters. You must do all this before you begin your cutting. (In some instances, by the way, you will probably need to split verses in two to create better sentences.) You must, also, locate the verses you want using two different Bibles—you must use two different Bibles since cuts on one side of a page may accidentally delete verses on the other side of the page. Having performed this rather lengthy undertaking, cut your chosen verses out of the Bible, and paste them onto octavo sheets. You must use a glue pot or other gluing items available in 1804 (hence no glue sticks or whatever the present most modern gluing instrument is) and you must use the scissors or shears available in 1804. You will quickly find that even the indexing is not the work of one or two nights. While we do not have anything which tells us how long Jefferson spent on this first effort, it was clearly something on which he expended a great deal of energy. We know that he did it quickly, receiving the Bibles he used on or immediately after February 4, 1804 (although the mere ordering of the Bibles, and the fact that he had thought through the necessity to use two [!] Bibles suggests that Jefferson may have already had a draft index in hand), and having the resultant tome bound no later than March 10, 1804 (D. Adams, ed., 27, please note, in particular, footnote 83). This suggests a considerable amount of energy and concentration expended in a short period. This energy and concentration, in turn, suggests quite significant amounts of intentionality.
Jefferson’s second effort, in 1820, has been preserved and, as of this writing (January 2012), is in the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. The 1820 effort, if we are to judge by the excisions found in the two earlier Bibles and compare them to the 1820 “Jefferson Bible,” must have been very similar to the 1804 effort. This 1820 “Jefferson Bible” demonstrates that Jefferson exercised considerable meticulousness in delineating exactly what he believed to be believable. Moreover, Jefferson clearly tried to create a pleasing harmony among sentences. There are a number of places where Jefferson clipped out part of a verse and then joined it to another verse when no verse, in its entirety, quite fit what he wanted to say. For instance, on page 15 of the 1820 manuscript, Jefferson began with Matthew 7:26 –29 and 8:1, followed by Mark 6:6, of which he used only the second half of the verse. The Mark snippet formed the bridge to verses pulled from Matthew (11:28–30) and then Luke (7:36–38). The analysis performed by Dickinson Adams of that manuscript indicates that Jefferson snipped individual verses into parts 46 times (D. Adams, ed., 51; see also Charles T. Cullen’s “Foreword” to D. Adams). The ability to use so many different verses to construct one column on one page makes it clear that Jefferson was in total control of his material–the King James Bible—and that he took considerable effort in the selection and joining of his verses. Jefferson, however, did not simply cut apart two or more King James Bibles. He also sliced into pieces Greek Bibles, French Bibles, and Latin Bibles; the 1820 Jefferson Bible is a columnar Bible with Greek, French, and Latin columns corresponding to the English versions (photographic reproduction, D. Adams, ed., 127–297). Anyone who has ever tried to align Greek translations precisely with English translations will realize what a strenuous intellectual undertaking such an effort would be. To do it not just for Greek verses but also for Latin and French verses and to have all them align would be an undertaking of staggering dimensions. It is, therefore, clear that the 1820 Jefferson Bible holds only what Jefferson, after much intellectual endeavor, intended it to hold.
The reality that Jefferson was in total control of his material allows us to examine, in detail, Jefferson’s intentions and, if we may dare to use the word “faith,” faith. Since Jefferson would have excised anything that he did not believe to have a strong potentiality of being true, we can determine, precisely, specific elements of Jefferson’s beliefs. An author will not include demons after such an earnest and demanding exercise unless he or she believes that the universe is likely arranged in such a way as to include demons. In short, while many have plumbed Jefferson’s letters to determine his belief system, the actual physical cuts—into a number of Bibles—more surely delineate what Jefferson believed than those letters written to audiences besides himself.
First and foremost, the Jefferson Bibles certainly indicate that he believed that there was a God. There is nothing odd about this observation—Deists, by definition, believe in a God. But Jefferson quite apparently meant to refer to a “Christian God”—in distinct contradiction to a “Jewish God.” From Jefferson’s point of view, the Jews had somehow come to believe, correctly, Jefferson believed, that the arrangement of the universe included one and only one God. His letters, however, indicate that Jefferson believed that Jewish theology was simply incorrect—their one God was not the one that existed. In an 1819 letter to the evangelist Ezra Stiles, Jefferson wrote:
I am not a Jew; and therefore do not adopt their theology, which supposes that the god of infinite justice to punish the sins of the fathers upon their children, unto the 3d. and 4th. Generation; and the benevolent and sublime reformer of that religion [Jesus] has told us only that God is good and perfect, but has not defined Him. I am, therefore, of His theology ... [Thomas Jefferson to Ezra Stiles, June 25, 1819 in Henry Augustine Washington, ed., 125].
Although not quite adopting a Marcionite1 position, Jefferson drew a sharp contrast between the Jewish conception of God and the Christian conception of God and believed that Jesus had come to teach the Jews that they had erred in their understanding of God. In a letter written in 1820, Jefferson was even blunter regarding the theology of the Jews: “The whole religion of the Jews, inculcated on him [sic] from his infancy, was founded on the belief of divine inspiration. The fumes of the most disordered imaginations were recorded in their religious code, as communications of the deity.... (Thomas Jefferson to William Short, August 4, 1820, in Washington, ed., 167).2
References to Jefferson’s God lead to Jefferson’s views on heaven. The 1820 manuscript is replete with both references to heaven and, what is more important, given the term’s connection with Jesus, the “kingdom of heaven.”3 The exact phrase “kingdom of heaven” occurs 20 times in the manuscript. “Heaven” is referred to 49 times. There are numerous instances where the word “kingdom” is used alone—but clearly referring to the “kingdom of heaven.” Jefferson, moreover, includes three instances of Jesus referring to “my kingdom” while angels are explicitly referenced nine times. Jefferson, incidentally, included references to the “devil” three times and to “Hell” nine times. Strikingly, Jefferson included (from Matthew 13): He that soweth the good seed is Son of man; The field is the world; the good seed are the children of the kingdom; but the tares are the children of the wicked one; The enemy that sowed them is the devil; the harvest is the end of the world; and the reapers are the angels. As therefore the tares are gathered and burned in the fire; so shall it be in the end of this world. The Son of man shall send forth his angels, and they shall gather out of his kingdom all things that offend, and them which do iniquity; And shall set them into a furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth.... So shall it be at the end of the world: the angels shall come forth, and sever the wicked from the just, And shall cast them into the furnace of fire: there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth [37–42, 49 –50]. The “wicked one,” “the devil,” the apocalypse, angels, the sinners tossed into the “furnace of fire” and the angels “sever[ing] the wicked from the just”—the reality is that Jefferson placed these mystical elements into his own personal devotional; the Jefferson Bible was, after all, not the “Jefferson Bible” to him, but his own personal guide to his own personal religion—and one he kept to himself until his death.
The “textbook Jefferson,” the one who is credited with being a prime example of a Deist, is, to most who believe themselves aware of Jefferson’s beliefs, a person whose religious views were based on extremely rational approaches to religion—a sort of religion with all the energy of the mystical and the unknown drained away and only philosophy and reason left. Yet the above examples illustrate that, by the time he had advanced in years, Jefferson had become anything but a person whose religious model was based on a rational examination of the world and whose relationship with Christianity enclosed only its moral precepts. If we accept the idea that actions speak louder than words, Jefferson’s Bible states that Jefferson believed in—or at least accepted the strong possibility of—a wide range of items that twenty-first century members of Western culture would term either spiritual or superstitious.
If the Jefferson Bible is not a demystified and desiccated collection of biblical verses, then what was it? More than anything else, it is a variation (albeit with a considerable twist) of a Gospel harmony; that is, an attempt to create a text that takes the four gospels, removes (in Jefferson’s case quite literally) contradictions and obscurities to create a harmonious single gospel.
The idea dates back at least to Justin Martyr (103–165 C.E.) who created (or, maybe, had access to) a harmony or harmonies of the Mark, Matthew, and Luke traditions.4 Justin’s harmony has been lost, if it ever existed in one singlewritten form, but Justin’s follower, Tatian (died c. 190), created a written gospel harmony using all four Gospel traditions. Copies, although at least somewhat incomplete, of Tatian’s harmony, the Diatessaron, have been preserved in a number of manuscripts and, although we cannot know, at the most granular level, Tatian’s precise ordering of passages from the different gospel traditions, the different manuscripts indicate that Jefferson and Tatian followed very much the same method of composition.5 Tatian and Jefferson both linked passages from different gospels by using short passages from other gospels. Several centuries after Tatian, the idea of creating a harmony among the different gospels probably reached its peak in an exhaustive, and even daunting, treatise by St. Augustine who wrote to repel attacks by non-Christians on the texts of the Christian scriptures. Augustine wrote his harmony in response to non– Christians who used the many differences between the Gospels as demonstrating that not even Christians knew the truth about their narrative.6 In short, the idea of a harmony, which is what Jefferson’s Bible is, lies well within the Christian tradition.
While some ancient writers continued the tradition of Justin Martyr and Tatian, there were few, if any, attempts to write harmonies during the Western Middle Ages. At the beginning of the modern era, the tradition revived. Charles Cullen came to the conclusion that Jefferson followed, in rough fashion, a harmony in Greek of the Gospels, prepared by William Newcome, who was probably bishop of Dromore (Ireland) when he compiled his particular harmony. Certainly Bishop Newcome’s book was in Jefferson’s library when Jefferson died and it seems reasonable to suppose that Newcome’s version had at least some influence on Jefferson’s arrangement of data (D. Adams, ed., 37).
Nevertheless, Jefferson’s harmony was not the harmony of Tatian or St. Augustine or Bishop Newcome or anyone else. They wrote their harmonies from the point of view that “received” Christianity, the “old- time religion,” as it were, was correct and that harmonies were needed mostly for reasons of simplification or, in Augustine’s case, defense of what had become “mainstream Christianity”—their attempt was to include, not exclude. Jefferson, on the other hand, built his harmony on his belief that the Gospels had to be harmonized through paring the text(s)—through exclusion rather than inclusion.
Having determined for himself that the Gospels were corrupt, he sought to remove their impurities through an exclusive harmony. Jefferson, moreover, clearly believed that he was the one that had the intellectual ability to remove such corruptions, creating a new harmony. Certainly Jefferson was not shy about his abilities to discern the sayings of the “true Jesus”: “[Jesus’s words are] as distinguishable as diamonds in a dunghill” and “It is as easy to separate [out the words of Jesus] as to pick out diamonds from dunghills” (Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, October 12, 1813; Jefferson to Adams, January 24, 1814; D. Adams, ed., 352; Broden, ed.). Anything which implied that Jesus was, in some mystic way, united with God, had been, Jefferson reasoned, entered in error and therefore had to be excluded. Certainly such a mix of the rational and the mystical was revolutionary; no one had ever thought to “demythologize” Jesus while keeping the rest of the Christian framework of myth7 and spirituality. Despite his acceptance of a Christian God and almost all the Christian framework of the spiritual world, the political revolutionary had become a religious revolutionary.
The Jefferson Bible and Jefferson’s letters indicate that Jefferson believed that Jesus had set out to create a religious- cultural revolution. Jefferson saw Jesus as reacting (rebelling against, if you will) the base, corrupt, amoral, and intolerant rigidities that Jefferson believed had become part of Jewish society—much as Jefferson had when he listed, in the Declaration of Independence, the base, corrupt, amoral and intolerant rigidities that the British government had fallen into. Moreover, he believed Jesus had a vision of society that was far superior to those of his fellow Jews and much more closely aligned with, the thoughts of the original creator of the world—again much as Jefferson saw the American Revolution as aligning America with the ideals of that original creator (“that all men are created equal ... that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights...”). Jefferson’s Bible and his letters express his belief that he, Thomas Jefferson, could rescue Jesus from still another set of base, corrupt, amoral, and intolerant authorities who had seized Jesus’s message (in essence his constitution) and used it to further their own ignorant or selfish ends.
In Jefferson’s mind, Jesus and Jefferson and his Bible expressed a resistance against three tyrannies. First, Jefferson believed that the Jewish culture of the Second Temple period and more recent Jewish cultures were corrupt and horribly misshapen.
The reformation of ... [Jewish] blasphemous attributes, and substitution of those more worthy, pure and sublime, seems to have been the chief object of Jesus in his discources [sic] to the Jews ... [Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, April 11, 1823, in Washington, ed., 283]. The deism and ethics of the [Second Temple] Jews ... shew in what a degraded state they were and the necessity they presented of a reformation [which would be provided by Jesus] [Thomas Jefferson to Joseph Priestley, April 9, 1803, in D. Adams, ed., 327–329]. But the greatest of all the Reformers of the depraved religion of his own country, was Jesus of Nazareth [Thomas Jefferson to William Short, October 31, 1819, in Washington, ed., 139]. Jews: 1. Their system was Deism; that is, the belief of one only god. But their ideas of him and of his attributes were degrading and injurious. 2. Their Ethics were not only imperfect, but often irreconcileable with the sound doctrines of reason and morality, as they respect intercourse with those around us; and repulsive and anti- social, as respecting other nations. They needed reformation, therefore, in an eminent degree [Thomas Jefferson, syllabus sent to Benjamin Rush, April 21, 1803, in D. Adams, ed., 331–334]. [Quoting William Enfield’s History of Philosophy] “Ethics were so little studied among the Jews, that, in their whole compilation called the Talmud, there is only one treatise concerning moral subjects. [A long list of objections to Jewish maxims then follows.] What a wretched depravity of sentiment and manners must have prevailed before such corrupt maxims could have obtained credit [i.e., in pre-Talmudic Judaism, including Second Temple Judaism]! It is impossible to collect from these writings a consistent series of moral Doctrine.” It was the reformation of this “wretched depravity” of morals which Jesus undertook [Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, October 12, 1813, in Baden, ed.; Enfield, p. 409, 1792].
This list of quotes could be multiplied. Jefferson clearly saw Jews as being ethically flawed in the most desperate of manners and Jesus as being the person who attempted to rescue his people from their degradation. Jefferson, with his massive erudition, apparently took common points of view, loosely held by most of those who lived in Western civilization, and burnished them to sharp tines on which to impale Judaism and Jews.
Second, Jefferson saw Christianity, as it had come to exist in its organized persona, as being great, but evil, and oppressive.
The Christian priesthood, finding the doctrines of Christ levelled to every understanding, and too plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticisms of Plato, materials with which they might build up an artificial system which might ... admit everlasting controversy, give employment for their order, and introduce it to profit, power, and pre- eminence [Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, July 5, 1814, in Baden, ed.]. [Speaking of a bill before the English Parliament to allow anti– Trinitarians religious freedom and the opposition of the English church leaders to the bill] This constitutes the craft, the power and the profit of the priests. Sweep away their gossamer fabrics of fictitious religion, and they would catch no more flies [Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, August 22, 1813, in Baden, ed.).
On theological subjects, as mangled by our Pseudo- Christians.... It is the mere Abracadabra of the mountebanks calling themselves the priests of Jesus [Thomas Jefferson to Francis Adrian Van der Kemp, July 30, 1816, in D. Adams, ed., 374–375].
[Toleration] does not satisfy the priesthood. They must have a ... declared assent to all their ... absurdities.... The artificial structures they have built on the purest of all moral systems [i.e., that of Jesus], for the purpose of deriving from it pence and power...” [Thomas Jefferson to Margaret Bayard Smith or B. Harrison Smith, August 16, 1816, in Washington, ed., 28].
Third, Jefferson simply dismissed, more or less as knaves and fools, the writers of the Gospels and other early Christian writers.
To do [Jesus] justice it would be necessary to remark the disadvantages his doctrines have to encounter, not having committed [his doctrines] to writing himself, but [having his writings committed to print] by the most unlettered of men, by memory, long after they heard them from him; when much was forgotten, must misunderstood, and presented in very paradoxical shapes [Thomas Jefferson to Joseph Priestley, April 9, 1803, in D. Adams, ed., 327–329]. [Referring to the Bible] I separate ... the gold from the dross; restore to [Jesus] the former, and leave to the stupidity of some, and roguery of others of his disciples. Of this band of dupes and imposters, Paul was the great Coryphaeus [leader of the chorus], and first corrupter of the doctrines of Jesus [Thomas Jefferson to William Short, April 13, 1820, in Washington, ed., 156]. We must reduce our volume to the simple evangelists, select, even from them, the very words only of Jesus, paring off the Amphibologisms [in this instance, probably meaning dogmatic, if unfounded and ill- conceived, statements] into which they have been led by forgetting often, or not understanding what had fallen from [Jesus], by giving their misconceptions as his dicta, and expressing unintelligibly for others what they did not understand themselves [Thomas Jefferson to John Adams, October 12, 1813, in Baden, ed.]. No historical fact is better established than that of the doctrine of one god, pure and uncompounded, was that of the early ages of Christianity; and was among the most efficacious doctrines which gave it triumph over the polytheism of the antients.... Nor was the unity of the supreme being ousted from the Christian creed by the force of reason, but by the sword of civil government wielded at the will of the fanatic Athanasius8 [Thomas Jefferson to James Smith, December 8, 1822, in Washington, ed., 269].
The Jefferson Bible, thus, was not the simple product of a deist eliminating whatever seemed mystical, but the outpouring of something far stronger—An almost fanatical dedication to the “pure doctrines” of Jesus of Nazareth; a repudiation and distaste for all things Judaic; a hatred of the clergy that carried back over 1700 years; and a belief that Jesus’s near followers had either not understood what Jesus said or that they had forgotten or that they corrupted Jesus’s sayings for their own vain and selfish ends.
We need here to take a step back. Jefferson had been the leader of the anti- authoritarian faction in the American Revolution. Whatever his relationship with his slaves, he believed in, if not constant revolution, at least punctuated revolution. He was, after all, the American leader who said that the tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants” (Thomas Jefferson to Colonel [William S.] Smith, November 13, 1787 in Randolph, ed., 268); that “no society can make a perpetual constitution.... The earth belongs always to the living generation” (Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, September 6, 1789 in Smith, ed., 30); that “the spirit of resistance to government is so valuable on certain occasions that I wish it to be always [emphasis mine] kept alive” (Thomas Jefferson to Abigail Adams, February 22, 1787, in Golden and Golden, 60).
Revolutionary leaders, of course, have never been noted for their restraint and moderation. In 1921, Trotsky told the All- Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies, in defense of acts of terrorism and repression, that “we shall not enter the kingdom of socialism in white gloves on a polished floor” (Johnson, 77). As Maximilian Robespierre said to the French Convention in 1794: “Terror is nothing other than justice, prompt, severe, inflexible justice; it is therefore an emanation of virtue. It is not so much a special principle than a consequence of the general principle of democracy applied to our country’s most urgent needs” (Halsall). Or, as Oliver Cromwell is believed to have noted upon the execution of Charles I: “cruel necessity” (Morrill and Baker, 36).
Faced with his countrymen “descending” into ecstatic and emotional and “simplistic” religion Jefferson did what was unthinkable in his day and age. To rescue Jesus, to defy the Jews (at least of the Talmudic era and before), to defy the clergy, and even to defy Jesus’s early followers, he took a sharp object and physically cut several Bibles into pieces—and he did so not once, but twice. Compared to ordering massacres and terror and executions, this might seem child’s play—but those reading this should think how comfortable even secular academics would feel if someone were to hand them scissors and paste and tell them to begin cutting into their own heritage’s sacred texts.
Even someone without religion, here at the beginning of the 21st century, might feel a hitch, a pause, a moment of hesitation before cutting into a Bible, into the Torah, into the Qur’an. Had the general populace—and all but a few of his revolutionary colleagues—known that he was doing so, it can be surmised that his activities would have taken them aback. With 1804 being an election year, one can imagine that common knowledge of his first attempt would have revived the Federalist Party.
And yet he did undertake the revolutionary effort of taking the Christ out of Jesus and out of Christianity while leaving the other unseen or spiritual entities in. At least at this distance, the early twenty-first century, it appears that Jefferson believed that he had struck a blow for his fellow revolutionary, Jesus.
Trotsky, of course, died with an ice pick in his head as delivered by one of Stalin’s henchmen. Robespierre made his own trip through the valley of the Terror and then to the scaffolding of the guillotine. Cromwell died in 1658 in his own bed. Within less than three years, though, his remains were dug up by a restored royalty, his body beheaded with the head stuck on a pike outside Westminster Hall (where it rotted beneath the sky and the birds until 1685), and his headless body hung in chains in London. (His head, in fact, was not taken to its final resting place at Cambridge until 1960.) Jefferson died in bed, surrounded by his family, and beloved by his country which, seventeen years before Cromwell’s head finally found a home (in a manner of speaking), opened a beautiful monument to him, surrounded by blossoming trees and near a quietly flowing river, in its capital city. As indicated above, Jefferson was a man who, by United States standards, was a Nixonian politician—stealing, libeling, and harassing in his pursuit of political power. But Jefferson attacked Bibles in what most Americans would have contended then and would contend now as supremely sacrilegious actions.
While Watergate was sufficiently harmful to Nixon’s image and reputation in and of itself, the reader is left to imagine what would have been made of the 37th president—the charges of megalomania—if Nixon had been discovered hacking apart Bibles and rearranging the verses to fit his fantasies late at night in the secrecy of the family quarters. Yet Jefferson, to the end, conducted revolution by other means and his reputation has lived to tell the tale.
On reflection, Jefferson did not live in a land where cold- blooded executions such as accompanied the French and Russian revolutions and the English civil war were likely to occur. While spies and, occasionally, collaborators, were executed during the American Revolution, and summary justice often meted out to pro– British guerillas, the massacres of groups according to status or association did not occur and, so far as we know, the thought of which did not occur. With the Jefferson Bible, Jefferson emerges as both the most radical of the American revolutionaries and the most violent; but that the violence was done with paste and scissors suggests how far America had departed from the continent which produced Trotskies, Robespierres, and Cromwells.

Tim H. Blessing 
(The opening chapter of Godly Heretics)

Notes

1. Any number of authors may be consulted to explain the position of Marcion on the Jewish God. Marcion was an influential Christian (held as a heretic by those who formed what would eventually become the mainstream of Christianity) who believed that the vengeful and apparently blood-thirsty God of the Hebrew Scriptures could not possibly be the God to whom Jesus had directed his followers. I suggest Helmut Koester, Introduction to the New Testament: History and Literature of Early Christianity, vol. 2 (New York: Walter De Gruyter, 1982), 324–334.

2. Was Jefferson an anti–Semite? There are 41 references to “Jews” in the correspondence between Jefferson and John Adams that began late in their lives. Although none of the references may be considered to be positive references to “Jews,” a goodly number are neutral, but the majority are negative, even sneering. None are racial in the sense of seeing Jews as physically inheriting a deficiency. It might be more appropriate to say that Jefferson saw Jews as people who had been corrupted by Judaism. I performed this analysis through a word search for “Jew” and Judaism in the Kindle edition of “Ye will say I am no Christian”: The Thomas Jefferson/John Adams Correspondence on Religion, Morals, and Values, ed. Bruce Broden (Amherst, NY: Prometheus, 2006).

3. The debate over the phrase “kingdom of heaven” or “kingdom of God” has been a long and rich one. The phrase is certainly one of the key phrases Jesus used—some would contend that it is the key phrase in Jesus’s teachings.

4. The question of the harmonies relating to Justin Martyr is another rich field for scholarly disagreement. I refer the reader to Kroeger, 342–343. However, see also Oskar Skarsaune, “Justin and His Bible,” Justin Martyr and His Worlds, ed. Sara Parvis and Paul Foster (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007).

5. Our knowledge of the Diatessaron is imperfect since such evidence as we have on it is based on Syriac, Greek copies, and Arabic fragments which are manifestly flawed. Still, the reconstructions of Tatian’s work allows us to see a compositional consistency which suggests that Tatian’s manner of arranging his material must have been close to Jefferson’s manner—although with quite different results and without the glue and scissors. A good discussion of the difficulties in disentangling the threads of the Diatessaron is found in a reprint of a 1904 University of Chicago dissertation, A.A. Hobson, The Diatessaron of Tatian and the Synoptic Problem[:] Being an investigation of the Diatessaron for the Light which it throws upon the solution of the problems of the origin of the synoptic gospels (www.forgottenbooks.org).

6. “Its great object is to vindicate the Gospel against the critical assaults of the heathen. Paganism, having tried persecution as its first weapon, and seen it fail, attempted next to discredit the new faith by slandering its doctrine, impeaching its history, and attacking with special persistency the veracity of the Gospel writers. In this it was aided by some of Augustin’s heretical antagonists, who endeavored at times to establish a conspicuous inconsistency between the Jewish Scriptures and the Christian, and at times to prove the several sections of the New Testament to be at variance with each other. Many alleged that the original Gospels had received considerable additions of a spurious character. And it was a favorite method of argumentation, adopted both by heathen and by Manichæan adversaries, to urge that the evangelical historians contradicted each other. Thus, in the present treatise (i. 7), Augustin speaks of this matter of the discrepancies between the Evangelists as the primary argument wielded by his opponents. Hence, as elsewhere he sought to demonstrate the congruity of the Old Testament with the New, he set himself here to exonerate Christianity from the charge of any defect of harmony, whether in the facts recorded or in the order of their narration, between its four fundamental historical documents” (Augustine of Hippo, in Schaff, ed.).

7. By using “myth” I do not mean to imply “falsehood” or “fantasy.” I here am using “myth” in all its mystical, cosmological, sociological and pedagogical senses. See Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth (New York: Doubleday, 1988).

8. Athanasius (c. 296–378 C.E.), Bishop of Alexandria, was the great proponent of Trinitarianism during the time when Christianity was becoming the recognized religion of the Roman Empire. Although it is very unlikely that Athanasius was the writer of the Athanasian Creed used by most Christian churches, the Creed’s content strongly reflects Athanasius’s unrelenting Trinitarianism.

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